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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol.8, No.1

Publication Date: January 25, 2021

DOI:10.14738/assrj.81.9622. Yang, C. (2021). Discursive Practices in Chinese Talk Shows: Semi-institutional Communication Shaped by Multi-dimensional Power

Relations.Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8 (1) 322-332.

Discursive Practices in Chinese Talk Shows: Semi-institutional

Communication Shaped by Multi-dimensional Power Relations

Chen YANG

Faculty of Humanities, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,

Hung Hom, Kowloon, Hong Kong; International Education College,

Henan Polytechnic University, Jiaozuo, China

ABSTRACT

Similar to American talk shows, the institutional communication of

Chinese talk shows is also affected by complicated and mutually

influencing power relations. Therefore, through the analysis of

discourse practice and power relations, the author hopes to reveal

some unique characteristics of the institutional communication of talk

shows in mainland China. By utilizing Sinclair and Coulthard’s rank

scale model, an episode of A Date with Lu Yu was selected for a case

study of discursive communication. The study shows that Chinese talk

shows shared the common characteristics of semi-institutional

communication with western counterpart. Besides, the hierarchical

structure of communication is prominently reflected in Chinese talk

shows. The social power relations between hosts, guests and external

forces shape the discourse structure of Chinese talk shows. In

particular, commercial organizations that sponsor media have great

power in determining the goals and shaping the forms of discourse

practice.

Keywords: Chinese talk show; power relation; discursive practice;

institutional communication.

INTRODUCTION

As a matter of fact, the talk show has not been classical, or even long-standing at the very least,

compared with other types of TV programs such as dramas and variety shows in China. The

emergence of TV shows in China has actually been attributed to the prosperity of Chinese media,

as a result of the increasingly commercialized operations (Zhong, 1998). The TV shows China have

mostly taken the forms of those in the Western world, especially the US, although the actual

arrangements of contents and details of these Chinese talk shows are prominently different from

those in the US due to considerably different social and cultural contexts (Xiang, 2012; Wu and Lu,

2018). In spite of this, the institutional communication in Chinese talk shows is also shaped by

complex and interactive power relations, like their counterparts in the US. Thus, it is expected to

reveal some unique features of the institutional communication in these talk shows in the

mainland of China by analysing the discursive practices and the power relations. The main body is

divided into three parts. First, a literature review is prepared to clarify the extent to which the

existing reports regarding institutional communication have clarified the features of discursive

practices in talk shows and corresponding power relations. Second, based on Sinclair and

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Yang, C. (2021). Discursive Practices in Chinese Talk Shows: Semi-institutional Communication Shaped by Multi-dimensional Power Relations.Advances in

Social Sciences Research Journal, 8 (1) 322-332.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9622 323

Coulthard’s rank scale model, A Date with Lu Yu is analysed from perspectives of discursive

practices and of power relations to discuss the features of institutional communication in Chinese

talk shows. Last, but not the least, the influence of power relations on the discursive practices in

Chinese talk shows is discussed and the findings are listed.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Talk shows: semi-institutional communication

Ilie (2001) points out for the first time that talk shows are actually based on semi-institutional

communication, which is characterized by the features of both casual conversation and discursive

practices in professional communication. This study report is also the first to make investigation

into the talk show from a perspective of institutional communication. Ever since, some

researchers have paid attention to the discursive practices in talk shows and the related power

relations.

Aznárez-Mauleón (2013) underlines the two-dimensional power relations between the host and

the quest in shaping the discursive practice by analysing the communication in some Spanish talk

shows. In the study report, it is also suggested that the host take advantage of power in controlling

and directing the communication. Toth (2015) suggests that the power relations between the

hosts and the audience of TV talk shows play an important role in shaping the discursive practices

in TV talk shows by analysing the use of rhetoric questions in TV talk shows concerning religious

education for children. The study report points out that rhetoric questions are useful in avoiding

direct and potentially offensive claims which might make the audience mentally uncomfortable. In

other words, the contribution of the audience, most of whom are ordinary people, to the formation

of discursive practices in TV talk shows is not only limited to increased casualty, but also more

ethical concerns in communication.

Considering the ultimate purpose of most TV talk shows is still attract the audience, it is no

surprise that researchers make investigation into the power relations between the participants of

TV talk shows and the audience. Lee (2018) refers to scaling as an argumentative resource in TV

talk shows to entertain the audience, underlining the role of the audience in shaping the discursive

practices in TV talk shows. In addition, the semi-institutional communication in TV talk shows is

not always aimed at merely entertaining the audience, but sometimes serves as negotiation with

the public. According to Hamo (2006), of the Israeli prime-time talk show Live, quantitative

analyses reveals that there is a positive correlation between the extent to which guests participate

in the communication and the popularity of them, and qualitative analyses reveals that social

position is a key indicator of the power relations shaping the discursive practices. In addition,

Hamo (2010) suggests that the salience and meaning of the ethos of solidarity in these popular

Israeli TV talk shows has undergone changes along with progressive commercialization of Israeli

media and gradually updated social customs. The report points out that discursive practices in

these TV talk shows are deliberately shaped to serve the purpose to reconstruct solidarity among

the public.

The existing reports regarding Chinese talk shows have still been too sparse to base a

comprehensive review on. In spite of this, some preliminary investigation has already been made

into the features of communication in Chinese talk shows. Lee, Chen, and Tan (2013) suggest that

silence and face work is commonly used in Chinese talk shows as a part of discursive practice after

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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol.8, Issue 1, January-2021

analysing two representative Chinese talk shows, namely A Date with Lu Yu and Kang Xi Lai Le

(Kangxi comes). They do also point out that silence and face work is necessary in these talk shows

because of distinguished social and cultural contexts despite that fact that silence and face work is

uncommon in Western talk shows because of limited air time. Since Chinese talk shows are

different from their Western counterparts in discursive practices, the power relations shaping

their discursive practices are expected to be unique and worth analysing.

Potential forces to exert pressure on talk shows

Some external forces do not directly participate in the communication of talk shows like the host,

the guests, and the spectators, but their power is so omnipresent and vertical that they have

considerable influence on the contexts and goals of communication in talk shows. Thus, it is

necessary to review their influence on the media before discussing the power relations in talk

shows.

Commercial organizations as sponsors have considerable influence on the media they sponsor.

Besides, such influence is common on the media. According to Dragomir (2018), the media require

solid financial support such as regular funding to survive the intense competition, and commercial

organizations often become the sponsors of the media for commercial promotion and advertising

programs. These commercial organizations are likely to challenge the media to make adjustments

to the programs such as talk show according to the demographics of their customer base for the

sake of attracting more audience and improving the effectiveness of commercial promotion and

advertising programs. As the consequence, the goals of communication in TV programs, like other

programs on the media, are not merely what their titles and descriptions indicated, and the

discursive practices are unavoidably shaped by these additional goals.

Although the audience seem to be no more than passive recipients of the contents provided by the

media, they have actually developed considerable bargaining power with the media since the

prosperity of internet began to give birth to an increasing number of medias. Gentzkow and

Shapiro (2006) point out that the media are inclined to provide no other contents than those that

are consistent with their audience’s values. That is, the audience themselves serve as a strong

external force to change the contexts and goals of talk shows. It must be pointed out that the

audience referred to in this report do not include the spectators watching the talk show in the

studio.

Governments do inevitably have the strength to fund some media and sponsor some TV programs.

The only question is whether or not the governments find it necessary to do so in promoting some

actions. In fact, since the media, including traditional media such as radio and TV channels and

digital media such as social-networking sites (SNSs), has now developed an unprecedented

influence on the public, the governments in different countries and regions have already been

inclined to nationalize some private media to deliver information and promote actions in a more

effective and efficient way (Gehlbach and Sonin, 2014). In addition, it has been mentioned in some

existing reports that the media contribute much to the effectiveness and efficiency of political

activities (Kavanaugh et al., 2016; Gul et al., 2016). Thus, it is far from surprising that governments

in different countries and regions are influential on the local media and their programs.