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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol.8, No.1

Publication Date: January 25, 2021

DOI:10.14738/assrj.81.9563.

Rachid, Q. M. (2021). (Re)defining the Dichotomies within Moroccan Sufism: Gnawa and Samaã as Case Studies. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 8 (1) 578-588.

(Re)defining the Dichotomies within Moroccan Sufism: Gnawa and

Samaã as Case Studies

Qasbi Moulay Rachid

Ibn Tofail University

Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences

ABSTRACT

Although marked by diversity, the Moroccan Sufi rituals have been

associated with mysterious aspects and reputed for the dichotomy of

their different facets. The complexity of this field has intrigued my

curiosity to investigate to what extent the type of music deployed can

contribute to categorizing Sufi orders. In this context, it is worth

exploring how the music is used and for which purposes. Through

contrasting samaã to gnawa as major Sufi music genres, this paper

sheds light on the duality inherent within the former as an elitist Sufi

practice and the latter as its popular counterpart. In support if this, I

conduct interviews and focus groups with several Moroccan disciples

to further investigate the type of audience they both attract and how

the two genres help the disciples to get into the Sufi atmosphere and

the desired metaphysical level. By reviewing the literature carried out

by Moroccan as well as foreign authors in this field, I also look into how

researchers position Sufi activities and whether they approach them

with an awareness of the dichotomies categorizing the two genres

within high and low cultures.

Keywords: Sufism- samaã - dhikr - shaykh - gnawa- aissaoua- the dichotomy

INTRODUCTION

Most Sufi orders in Morocco tend to incorporate one or more genres of music or chants in their

rituals. This tradition varies according to the region in which the Sufi order is situated. The music

in use can be part of a set of inherited traditions or collective memory of both the disciples and the

masters of such orders. These genres of music can be generally divided into two types: popular

and classical (or elitist). Remarkably, it can be said that this duality is an inherent feature of

Sufism in Morocco. In other terms, there are two versions of Sufism: one directed to the common

people and the other specifically to the elite class of the society. This can be undeniably

problematic on how to proceed with the study of Sufism as a philosophy and by extension as a

practice with twofold entities. In this regard, I argue that any research conducted on this subject

must deal at some point with the binary oppositions characterizing Sufism. Therefore, this paper

seeks to study this matter by examining two opposite samples of Sufi music, gnawa140 and

140 Gnawa or Gnaoua is a genre of music that was introduced to Morocco during the time of slavery. Most of its disciples

claim to be ancestors of the prophet Mohammed. It uses mostly drums, castanets gambry or hajouj that are base sound.

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Rachid, Q. M. (2021). (Re)defining the Dichotomies within Moroccan Sufism: Gnawa and Samaã as Case Studies. Advances in Social Sciences Research

Journal, 8 (1) 578-588.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9563. 579

samaã141, that are deployed by some orders as a catalyst for their rituals. Besides, I will shed light

on two other genres that somehow fall in this categorization: aissaoua142 and dhikr143.

The duality as an inherent feature in Sufism:

While exploring the Sufi literature written in or about Morocco, we often encounter another

duality that of the orientalist writers and their Moroccan counterparts. Most of the orientalist

researchers (un)intentionally ignore to make a distinction between the opposite trends of Sufism,

instead combining them within one harmonious enterprise or one entity. On the opposite side, the

findings of Moroccan researchers and writers usually reflect their affiliation to a distinctive Sufi

order. In other cases, they can even be part of the Sufi order they are investigating, lacking by that

any objectivity in their research, and instead turning themselves into mere propagandists for such

orders. Few of the Moroccan writers like Mohammed Aziz Boukili positioned longwinded research

into the different stages that the disciples go through to mentally get into the exoteric144 level. He

extensively talks about various esoteric schools in Sufism and the peculiarities of each one of

them.

Other Moroccan writers mainly praise the elitist Sufism, and they mostly avoid getting into a real

debate about the indescribable side of popular Sufism. Conversely, Abdellah Hamouddi 1997,

came up with a projection of Sufism in the sociopolitical life of Moroccans. He argues that the

schema of authority seen in the master-disciple dialectic is, to a large extent, the same as the one

which shapes all precedent relations, including the superior-subordinate relationship that forms

the backbone of modern bureaucratic and political order [141]. The political paradigm is inspired

by the Sufi one and consequently, the subjects become the disciples while the monarchy as an

institution represents the Sufi order. His work embodies a critical view on the interweaving aspect

of the sacred and the profane. The profane here is a reference to politics. The current regime

invests more in what concerns the rehabilitation of the brotherhoods and promoting all types of

Sufi music festivals such as the yearly one of the city of Fes. This latter gets the attention of major

media outlets and benefits from even international fame. It seems, thus, that Sufism with its

multiple facets is largely serving the interests of the Monarchy.

The dichotomy becomes a reality in practice while juxtaposing the two facets of Sufism. Once one

investigates their rituals and what each group conducts to stay connected to their spiritual drives,

one can easily deduce that these two groups are different from each other. The instruments used

in their gatherings and ceremonies and evocation are distinctive along with their dances and the

body movements that all fit within their binary categorizations. The elitist Sufism uses well- composed classical music which is inspired by the Andalusian Music originally traced back to

Southern Spain from the tenth to the fifteenth century. This type of music is referred to as

evocation and praise of the prophet Mohammed, otherwise known as samaã. For instance, this

141 Samaã is a type of chanting mostly by men. In this respect, Mohammed Thami Lharak argues that its main purpose is to

focus more on the universal and omnipresence of divinity. 142 This genre is associated with the city of Meknes. The head of the band is referred to as a mqadem and the instrument used

are big drums and small clay ones in addition to the oboe and no string instruments.

143 This form of music or chanting depends mostly on the use of the voice of the singers. This latter has to be very strong

melodic. It is usually associated with dhikr which is the evocation the prophet Mohammed. 144 This refers to the level where the Sufis go beyond the physical state into the metaphysical one (batinia. see Mohamed

Boughali, 2017. The esoteric level is a pivotal one for the Sufis as that what makes them achieve their spiritual objectives.

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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol.8, Issue 1, January-2021

type of music is performed and broadcasted in the presence of the Moroccan king (as the

commander of the faithful) on the celebration night of the Prophet Mohammed’s birthday. The

same type of music is considerably appreciated during the month of Ramadan.

The controversy about samaã as a religious music chanting:

Dhikr is a form of Invoking, recalling, or remembering God and his prophet Mohammed by

deploying religious chanting. The dictionary of Sufism defines it as a form and a method of prayer

often individually assigned by a Shaykh, which can be either silent or vocal. Also translated as

recollection about collective or group invocation rituals or dhikr al-hadra in Arabic. Invocation

here involves rhythmic repetition of the name of God, syllable, word (such as Allah), a phrase such

as (Subhan Allah, Glory to God), or litany tailored to the spiritual needs of the individual seeker. It

is common in Morocco to have most brotherhoods (Zawaya) deploy one of the forms in their

rituals. These forms may vary in the layout, but the purpose seems to be generally similar. Waugh

considers that the dhikr formula itself provides both the potential and the constraint necessary for

encountering deity [252]. This explains how dhikr can be a catalyst for the Sufi to connect with

deity.

Theoretically, samaã and dhikr are two of the sound-based spiritual techniques used in Sufism to

achieve closeness to God. This is motivated mostly by the willingness to experience Divine love.

Hence, this becomes the desired objective of most Sufi Shaykhs and their disciples. Furthermore,

Samaã is a musical genre that is considered particular to Sufism because it is used with the intent

of getting into a trance via which the purification of the soul can be achieved to help overcome

one's ego. Samaã mostly incorporates the recitation of sacred text and poetry and this happens

mostly while performing some movements by the head or the whole body. In this respect, the two

dimensions, esotericism, and exotericism can be manifested. The words are religious-based, yet

the movements are part of the addition Sufism brought as an extra to the conventional pillars.

However, this form triggers a lot of debate among fundamentalist scholars who reject it once the

instrument is employed. The ambivalence in Sufi art transcends the dichotomy into a general

interpretation regarding all sorts of music and dance. For some of the renowned Sufi scholar, they

reject any innovation and seem to embrace fundamentalism. They reject any sort of novel ideas

and they even inculpate the Sufis of a deviation from the right path into some sort of heresy. Jilali

Karim brings to the fore how these Sufi thinkers such as Zarouk and Ben-Lhaj reject samaã and

they consider Sufi groups who are using it to digress from the teachings of Islam [156]. These

opinions of Zarouk and Ibn lhaj are based, according to Karim, on the four theological schools of

thought of Islam that partially reject samaã [145]. For these people, once the instruments were

introduced in the Sufi practice it lost its poetic mission and became a profane art by which men

lose their masculinity and the samaã becomes an intensifier for the desire. Fortunately for this

form of art, it mainly receives criticism at a certain time in history and is based on some incidents.

Nowadays, samaã is highly promoted by the highest religious authority in the country, the King, by

attending the samaã and madih ceremonies, especially during Ramadan.

The practice of dhikr in different religious spheres is of high value for some of the leading Sufi

Shaykhs. Mohammed Thami Elharaq 145 argues that dhikr is a fundamental pillar for the people as

145Mohammed Thami Elharaq is a Sufi Musician and a researcher in the field of Sufism, Among his latest publication, is I am

going to God, 2016.

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Rachid, Q. M. (2021). (Re)defining the Dichotomies within Moroccan Sufism: Gnawa and Samaã as Case Studies. Advances in Social Sciences Research

Journal, 8 (1) 578-588.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9563. 581

it provides inner peace, itmiannan, and at the same time a remedy for the broken hearts, quloub

alila. It has an essential role in keeping the greediness of human desires down. He refers to how

the Shaykh Mohammed El Haraq, [1845], who considers dhikr as the way out for anyone who

wants to get close to God. For Mohammed Elharaq, dhikr consist mainly of reciting some verses

from the Qur'an, remembrance of the Prophet, and the recalling of some of the 99 names of God, in

addition to other prayers that contemplate the greatness of God. El Haraq contends that it is also a

form of ritual that triggers cleanness and purification, tahara146. These are of a pivotal function

within this kind of chanting. The Sufis argue that the more people practice and experience dhikr,

the cleaner their souls get.

Dhikr thus becomes a key in Sufi traditions and caters an added value to their path of worshiping

and valuing religion. Yet, there are some requirements for such performance to take place. An

efficient combination of both the physical and mental worlds in dhikr is pivotal for the success of a

Sufi performance. Space is often that of a Brotherhood given its historical, social, and spiritual role.

Earle Waugh argues that the meaning of space may be positive as, for example in dhikrs

performed in an environment made sacred by the saint’s tomb or by the space of the ribat

constructed years ago for the performance of dhikr [6]. It is important to physically contextualize

the performance for the chanters to get in the temperament. Regarding the notion of time, it can

be either a fixed one such as the birthday of the Prophet Mohammed or during Ramadan and it can

also be set by the Sufi Chanters. For instance, Assafae Association147 in the city of Ouazzane, have a

set agenda for their performances and an improvising one which is very much affected by national

and religious circumstances.

Every member of the group has to be well prepared mentally to retain both the words and the

movements should be harmonic to the rest of the members. The performing aspect and the

harmony of the body and the chanting intensify the esthetical part of the elitist Sufism in contrast

to some other genres. However, dhikr is not meant for every devotee and this aspect varies

according to the brotherhood’s traditions. Diaz Marta argues that most ṭuruq148 either forbid or

reserve for the most advanced and senior disciples the possibility of performing this practice in

solitary; however, for the vast majority of Sufis dhikr is a group ritual. Since it is the core of the

universe of Sufi ritual and must be performed collectively, it is a key meaning-giver to the actual

existence of Sufi orders [495]. Dhikr remains then a pivotal element as a catalyst for the Sufi

orders to achieve closeness to the divine. Since it is mentioned in the Qur’an, it has a legitimate

presence as a religious type of chanting unlike some other types that are used in profane contexts

and these types are often part of the popular Sufism.

Gnawa from slavery form into the internationalization:

Several writers have immensely contributed to revealing some of the aspects of underground

Sufism. In this context, Deborah Kapchan’s work on gnawa, a genre of music which witnessed a

real metamorphosis. Her work worth some investigation as she explores this genre of music from

146 It can refer to another context to the physical ablution, which is required from every Muslim before any prayer. In this

context, it has spiritual indications.

147 This is one of the leading associations in the north of Morocco regarding Dikhr and Samaã. The members were part of the

interviews. Most of them have an advanced academic background and they all highlighted the role of the association in their

education and its immense contribution in shaping the artistic side of their lives. 148 The singular form is tariqa which means path or order.