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URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.76.8412 328

Agberndifor, E. M. E. (2020) Investigating the Outcomes of the Military Wing of The Civil Society in Enforcing Democracy or Cessation. Case Study: Burkina

Faso and Cameroon. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(6) 327-355.

isolation, opportunity, greed and violence as possible incentives to

arouse the devastating military wing of the civil society. Furthermore,

the most comprehensive and elaborate study to use to explain this will

be the analysis of Collier and Hoeffler’s account of civil war studies but

this will be mentioned in passing. To avoid auto repetition, an article

earlier published by me titled “Investigating the causes of civil wars in

Sub-Saharan Africa, Case study: South Sudan and the Central African

Republic” shall be cited. More so, this study shall look at carefully

localized independent and dependent variables which shall be used in

the comparative method to review the verifiable effects of the military

wing of the civil society in Cameroon and Burkina Faso. “When the

enabling factor fails to a haughty government, then civilian enacted

military action is the only solution. However, the effects of this civilian

enacted military action differs from place to place and there is no

assurance of how positively democratic or devastating they could be”

The independent variables shall be political isolation, political

exclusion and polarization. And the dependent variable shall be the

democracy and secession.

Key words: Civil society organizations

INTRODUCTION

The concept of civil society

Before discussing what the civil society does, it’s important to state in clear terms what makes up

the civil society. Habermas (Flyvbjerg, 1998, cited Habermas, 1992a: 453) believes that the civil

society “consists of churches, cultural associations, sports clubs, independent media, academics,

debating societies, groups of concerned citizens, grass-roots initiatives and organizations of gender,

race and sexuality all the way to occupational associations, political parties and labour unions”.

Following this long list of what the civil society entails provokes the summary that the civil society

is one set on forming a pluralist atmosphere where all and sundry are equal and must benefit

equality. More so, as seen in Habermas’ discussion of the civil society political pluralism is an

essential ingredient in building a strong democracy in a heterogeneous society such as those of

many African states with the exception of Somalia.

Amid different regime types and the conditions under which many civil societies find themselves,

the argument about the role of the civil society in promoting human rights and democracy cannot

be denied. However, the continuous worry if the civil society should be free from government rule

or be a tool used by the government to achieve its objectives rages. According to Habermas “the

radical political Left of Europe see the civil society as a location for radical political action” and a

formal base of criticizing the operations of the state (Fleming, 2010 cited Duresh, et al. 1999).

However, whether independent or under government control, the influence of the civil society

cannot be underestimated or disregarded. Furthermore, the many gains it has made in the West and

in some African countries like Togo, Tunisia, Egypt, Angola and Ivory Coast cannot be underrated,

as such; picking Burkina Faso and Cameroon make the fundamental piece of this study an exuberant.

Three crucial components of the civil society are that

1. “the cultural and symbolic dimension of civil society, its role in the formation of values, action

orienting norms, meanings and identifications” and

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2. Civil societies are also dynamic that is they have the creative side which operates through

informal networks, initiatives and social movements which are distinct from more formal

voluntary association and institutions (Fleming, 2000).

Talking about networks it’s important to note that the networks built here are very elastic as every

time, new identities, projects for society and mankind are made sometimes with old ideas relegated

to the rear for whatsoever reason, then reactivated and re-introduced on the table for deliberation.

In short, there could be an alternation of pertinent subjects to handle depending on their levels of

importance perceived by policy makers. Similarly, experts in security studies may say such patterns

of important subjects for discussion depends on the securitizing actor who in clear terms defines

the objects that need to be securitized (Taureck, 2006, p. 3). More so, there exists a form of

pluralistic and collective identities that are formulated such that everyone within and without the

civil movement benefits something. Collier and Hoeffler (2009) believe that for a rebel movement,

or civil movement to succeed such things as race, ethnicity and tribe must be eliminated within the

ranks of the movement so that it can easily recruit sympathizers who will promulgate and promote

the agenda of the movement. Furthermore, the movement turns to earn more support from without

when it shows to be non tribalistic and very culturally tolerant. Alas, failure to do this might result

to members leaving the group, recruits abandoning the course and consequently, cases of riots or

civil war funds promised could be in-hesitantly cut off.

The constant changing order of political affairs both domestically and internationally favours the

change that follows the modus operandi of civil societies. As Habermas witnessed civil societies

have grown bigger and more complex in their operations such that they can now meet anywhere to

discuss. Habermas sees it as the “communicative, deliberative conception of the ‘public sphere”. He

witnessed that coffee and tea houses in Europe constitute an important meeting and discursive

arenas of the civil society. Similarly, Palm Wine, Cha-Cha parlors in Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana and

most other African countries are very important places for the discussion of matters of absolute

pertinence. Tarla (2010) adds that these palm wine parlors have “a social binding effect and the

palm wine sold there are generally consumed in the presence of others”. Some endorsements to

local elections are usually forged here. In addition, deep discussions about tribal issues which most

times culminate to policy decisions at the macro level of the central government are begotten from

serious contemplations in these parlous.

Therefore, the civil society regardless of what level it operates has a strategic role in designing local

norms, values and adding value to the cultural identity of the society. Habermas (Fleming, 2000)

adds that these public spheres as they typically were in the ancient Greek society regardless of the

location are examples of “inclusive literacy because of their equality, critique, accessibility,

reflexibility and problematizing the unquestioned”.

So coming back to the palm wine parlours mentioned above, which are also popularly known as

“Matango houses” it must be added that they are tribally and ethnically inclusive. In these parlours

people speak freely and get the chance to be listened to without the fear of coercion. At least

freedom of speech exists to an extent in these parlours though in repressive regimes such as those

of Cameroon and Burkina Faso under ousted Blaise Compaore, military snitches dispatched

everywhere could reign trouble when the central government is criticized or questioned. This

summarizes a popular saying in Cameroon that “you are free to say whatever you want but you are