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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 11, No. 7

Publication Date: July 25, 2024

DOI:10.14738/assrj.117.17159.

Katsurada, E., & Ueda, M. (2024). A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and Two Parent Families in Japan.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(7). 07-16.

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and

Two Parent Families in Japan

Emiko Katsurada

Kwansei Gakuin University, School of Humanities, Department of Psychology

Mizuho Ueda

Kwansei Gakuin University, School of Humanities, Department of Psychology

ABSTRACT

The present study examined the differences between young children from single- mother families and those from two-parent families based on their prosocial

behaviors and behavior problems. Mothers’ affectionate parenting was also

compared. We collected data using a Japanese online survey company. A total of

335 women who had a 3 to 5-year-old child participated; 51.2% of which were

single mothers. The mothers rated their child’s behavior problems and prosocial

behavior and answered a questionnaire on affectionate parenting. The results

indicated a significant interaction effect of family structure and child’s gender on

children’s behavior problems. The scores of girls were significantly higher than

those of the boys in single-mother families, whereas no such gender difference was

found in two-parent families. Concerning the scores of children’s prosocial

behaviors and the mothers’ affectionate physical contact, however, there was no

difference between single-mother and two-parent households. Limitations of using

internet surveys were discussed.

Keywords: Single mothers, Preschoolers, Behavior problems, Prosocial behaviors,

Affectionate parenting

An increasing number of single-parent households is one of the characteristics of contemporary

Japanese society. According to the 2020 national population census published by the Statistic

Bureau of Japan (2021), the number of single-parent households in Japan is 5,002,541or about

9% of the total number of households in the country. Although the rate seems low, it is rising -

an increase of 5.4% over the survey conducted five years earlier. A majority of the single-parent

households are mother-child households and more than three quarters of them became a single

mother household due to divorce (Nishi, 2017). Reflecting this trend, studies on single mothers

are growing, in which the main discussion is the poverty of single mothers. Abe (2008) states

that the poverty rate of single mother households is extremely high among various types of

households in Japan. She also states that Japanese single mothers’ living situations are peculiar

since despite of their extremely high employment rate, they are still poor and the child support

from her child’s father and the government is scarce.

Besides the high employment rate and poverty level, having to work long hours is another

characteristic of Japanese single mothers. Tamiya & Shikata (2007) showed that the working

hours of Japanese single mothers are the longest among 12 countries including the USA, UK,

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and other European countries. According to the data on people’s social lives published by the

Minister of Health, Labour, and Welfare in 2011, the average time spent on child care was 46

minutes per week day for Japanese single mothers who have children under 6-years-old,

whereas it was 113 minutes for working mothers of two-parent household under the same

conditions (Yamano, 2014). This shortened amount of time spent with children may affect

children’s mental health in single mother families. Single mothers’ poor mental health may also

influence their children’s mental health since studies on single mothers outside Japan indicated

that they had more mental health problems than partnered mothers (Moilanen, et al., 1988;

Liang, et al., 2019).

Contrary to the relatively large volume of research on single mothers’ working and financial

situations, studies on single mothers’ and their children’s mental health and/or well-being are

scarce in Japan. To our knowledge only one empirical study utilizing a direct comparison

between children from two-parent families and single mother families exists. Nakamichi

(2017) examined preschoolers’ social behaviors and found no differences between children

from single mother households and those from two-parent families in aggressive, hyperactive,

anxious-fearful behaviors and being excluded by peers. Children from single-mother families,

however, showed less prosocial and more asocial behaviors compared with children from two- parent families. As Nakamichi (2017) stated in his study, there are no other known empirical

studies regarding the influence of single motherhood on children’s social behaviors in Japan.

In the Western countries, however, this type of empirical study has been accumulating since

1950s. Studies show that single mothers and fathers reported more externalizing behavior

problems of their children than married parents, and single mothers reported more

internalizing behavior problems as well (Hilton & Devall, 1998; Hilton et al., 2001). A Canadian

study indicated that the single-mother family status was significantly associated with children’s

morbidities, although the explained variance was limited (Lipman et al., 2002). In Israel,

Shechner et al. (2013) examined children’s adjustment in four different family types including

combinations of lesbian or heterosexual and a single or married mother. The results indicated

that single mothers reported more externalizing behavior problems and higher levels

loneliness in their children than did married mothers. With respect to prosocial-antisocial

behaviors, however, no difference was found between the children of single and married

mothers.

Literature reviewed so far does not discuss gender differences of children, but some

researchers noted the importance of children’s gender living with a single parent. There is the

same-sex argument, that is, after divorce children who live with the same-sex parent are better

off than their counterparts who live with an opposite-sex parent (Powell & Downey, 1997).

Using three data sets, Powell & Downey (1997) examined this argument and concluded no

evidence of supporting the advantage of same-sex parent in adolescents or adults. On the other

hand, Mokrue et al. (2012) investigated this same-sex argument with a majority sample of

African American families, and found that girls in 2nd and 3rd grades who come from single- mother families had higher scores of externalizing behavior and hyperactivity than the

counterparts from two-parent families, whereas no such difference was found for boys.

Consistent with this finding, a longitudinal study of adolescents indicated that single

motherhood contributed to adolescents’ depressive symptoms only for girls in homes with

negative parenting styles (Daryanani et al., 2016). These two studies showed the disadvantage

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Katsurada, E., & Ueda, M. (2024). A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and Two Parent Families in Japan. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 11(7). 07-16.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.117.17159

of living with a same-sex parent for girls from single-mother families. Therefore, the same-sex

argument seems inconclusive.

Thus, contrary to the results of the Japanese study (Nakamichi, 2017), a majority of Western

studies report a negative influence of single motherhood on children’s well-being and social

behaviors including externalizing and internalizing behavior problems. This discrepancy may

be attributed to the difference in child’s age. The subjects of the Japanese study were

preschoolers whereas the children in Western studies were above six years old. It also could be

that a different perspective of children’s behaviors, for example, that mothers’ and parents’

reports of a child’s behavior were employed in the most of Western studies whereas teachers’

rating was used in the Japanese study. Regarding the same-sex argument, it is still controversial

within Western countries. The Japanese study did not show any advantage or disadvantage of

a child residing with the same-sex parent. Since the number of single mothers is increasing in

Japan but there is only one Japanese study on children with single mother, we need more

Japanese studies on the influence of single-motherhood on children.

The purpose of the present study is to examine whether Japanese children in single-mother

families are different from those in two-parent families with regard to their social behaviors.

The previous Japanese study (Nakamichi, 2017) employed preschool teachers’ rating to assess

children’s social behaviors, but like most Western studies, the present research used mothers’

rating of child behaviors. Although many Japanese researchers affirm single-mothers’ lack of

time to care for their children, there is no research on the difference in the quality of child-care

between single mothers and married mothers. One particular aspect of child-care qualities we

examined was the differences between single-mothers and married-mothers in the level of

affectionate physical contact in their daily child-care. We also examined the same-sex argument

in our Japanese sample.

METHOD

Participants and Procedure

In order to acquire approximately the same amount of data from single mothers and married

mothers, we chose to collect data using a Japanese online survey company (“fastask”). This

online survey company has more than 3,000,000 registrants.

A total of 336 women who had a 3 to 5-year-old child participated in this online survey. One

hundred sixty-four women were single mothers (48.8%) and one hundred seventy-two were

married mothers who lived with their spouse (51.2%).

Measures

Child Behavior Problems:

To assess individual child’s level of behavior problems, we used the Japanese version of the

Preschool Behavior Questionnaire (PBQ: Behar & Stringfield, 1974). The PBQ consisted of 30

items on three subscales and the Japanese version confirmed the original 3-subscale structure,

hostile-aggressive, anxious-fearful, and hyperactive-distractible subscales. The details of the

development of the Japanese version were reported in Katsurada (2012). The mother rated

each item on a scale of 1 (never fit), 2 (sometimes fit), and 3 (very fit). In the present study, the

Chronbach’s alphas were .96 for hostile-aggressive, .93 for anxious-fearful, and .85 for

hyperactive-distractible subscales.

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Child Social Behaviors:

A child’s social development was assessed by the questionnaire developed by Kuze, Yokoi, &

Kondo (1990). It consists of 28 items covering the aspects of independence, altruism,

cooperation, responsibility, and perseverance. Item examples are “Being able to play with

friends peacefully,” “Being able to clean up toys,” and so on. The rating scale is the same as the

PBQ. Higher scores represent a higher level of a child’s social ability. The Chronbach’s alpha of

these 28 items in this sample was .94.

Affectionate Child-Rearing:

The level of a mother’s physical contact with her child in daily care was assessed by the

questionnaire developed by the first author (for the developing process, please see Katsurada,

2012). It consists of 12 items which includes “To take a bath together,” “To soothe your child

while holding the child in your arms when he/she is crying,” etc. The mother answered each

item on a 4-point scale from 1 (never)to 4 (always do). The Chronbach’s alpha of these 12 items

in this sample was .92.

Demographic Variables:

The following questions were included in the survey: mother’s age, working situations (full- time, part-time, not working), working hours per week (for only part-time workers), children’s

gender, and subjective economic situation on a scale from 1 (very affluent) to 5 (very poor),

which were consolidated into three categories: 1 (affluent), 2 (average), 3 (poor) in the analysis.

Analysis Plan

First, we conducted background analyses to examine whether there were any differences

between single mothers and partnered mothers in terms of background, such as age,

employment status, economic situations and etc. Then, we used MANCOVA to examine the

interaction effect of single motherhood and children’s gender on children’s behavior problems

with mothers’ age and economic status as covariates. To examine the same interaction effect

on children’s social behaviors and mothers’ affectionate behaviors to their children, ANOVAs

were used.

RESULTS

Background analyses

The single mother’s average age was 32.75 years (SD = 4.93) and the average for married

mothers was 35.53 years (SD = 4.36). Single mothers were slightly younger than married ones

(t = 5.41, df = 334, p < .001). Table 1 shows the single mother’s and married mother’s

employment status. As indicated in the previous studies most of the single mothers in our

sample (approximately 91%) were employed part or full-time.

Table 1: Number and percentage of participants’ employment status

Full-time employment Part-time employment No employment

Single mother 114 (69.5%) 35 (21.3%) 15 (9%)

Married mother 49 (28.6%) 48 (28%) 74 (43.2%)

To investigate the poverty of single mothers that many Japanese researchers referenced, we

conducted a chi-square test for the association between subjective economic situations and

family structure. The frequency distribution is presented in Table 2. The result of a chi-square

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Katsurada, E., & Ueda, M. (2024). A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and Two Parent Families in Japan. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 11(7). 07-16.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.117.17159

test showed that more single mothers self-reported as poor and more married mothers self- reported as having average income (χ

2 = 19.94, df = 2, p = .000). Although married mothers’

subjective economic status and employment situation were not related, a significant relation

was found for single mothers; more full-time workers reported as affluent compared with part- time workers and those without employment (χ

2 = 14.50, df = 4, p < .01).

Table 2: Number and percentage of participants’ subjective economic situation

Subjective economic situation

Affluent Average Poor

Single mother 36 (22.0%) 63 (38.4%) 65 (39.6%)

Married mother 26 (15.2%) 107 (62.6%) 38 (22.2%)

Distribution of children’s gender in each family structure was as follows: 96 girls (58.5%) and

68 boys (41.5%) in single-mother families and 77 girls (45%) and 94 boys (55%) in two-parent

families. There were more girls in single-mother households and more boys in two-parent

households (χ

2 = 6.12, df =1, p < .05).

Effects of Family Structure and Children’s Gender on Behavior Problems

To examine the effect of single motherhood on children’s behavior problems, a MANCOVA was

conducted with three subscales (hostile-aggressive, anxious-fearful, and hyperactive- distractible) as dependent variables and family structure (single or married) and children’s

gender as independent variables. Subjective economic status (original five categories) and

mothers’ age were included as control variables. Comparisons of mean scores of three subscales

by family structure and child’s gender are shown in Figures 1, 2 and 3. The results of MANCOVA

indicated a significant interaction effect of family structure and children’s gender as well as

main effects of each factor (see Table 3). It is shown that the gender difference was significant

only for single-mother families. On all three subscales, girls’ scores were significantly higher

than those of boys’ in single-mother families but not for two-parent families, F (1, 329) = 12.74,

p = .000 for hostile-aggressive; F (1, 329) = 12.62, p = .000 for anxious-fearful; and F (1, 329) =

8.21, p = .004 for hyperactive-distractible scores1.

Fig.1: Means of hostile-aggressive score by family structure and child’s gender

0

5

10

15

20

25

Girls Boys Girls Boys

Single Mother Married Mother

Hostile-aggressive

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Fig. 2: Means of Anxious-fearful score by family structure and child’s gender

Fig. 3: Means of Hyperactive-distractible score by family structure and child’s gender

Table 3: MANOVA results

Source Dependent variable Mean square F p Partial η

2

Economy aggressive .11 .11 .003 .000

anxious .04 .04 .001 .000

hyperactive .88 .88 .156 .000

Mother’s age aggressive .45 .45 .012 .000

anxious .13 .13 .005 .000

hyperactive .40 .40 .071 .000

Family structure aggressive 988.59 23.34 .000 .072

anxious 639.36 25.15 .000 .071

hyperactive 142.14 25.23 .000 .071

Child’s gender aggressive 671.87 17.22 .000 .050

anxious 563.80 22.18 .000 .063

hyperactive 34.79 6.18 .013 .018

Family structure aggressive 497.00 12.74 .000 .037

x Child’ gender anxious 320.80 12.62 .000 .037

hyperactive 46.26 8.21 .004 .024

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

Girls Boys Girls Boys

Single Mother Married Mother

Anxious-fearful

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

Girls Boys Girls Boys

Single Mother Married Mother

Hyperactive-distractible

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Katsurada, E., & Ueda, M. (2024). A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and Two Parent Families in Japan. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 11(7). 07-16.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.117.17159

Effects of Family Structure and Children’s Gender on Social Behaviors and Mothers’

Physical Contact

To investigate the effect of family structure and children’s gender on social behaviors, ANOVA

was conducted with the total score of social behavior as a dependent variable and family

structure and children’s gender as independent variables. Subjective economic status and

mothers’ age were included as control variables. The results show neither main effect nor

interaction effect.

Changing the dependent variable to mothers’ physical contact scores with the same

independent variables and control variables, another ANOVA was conducted. A marginally

significant main effect of children’s gender was found, F (1, 329) = 3.12, p = .078, ηp

2 = .009.

Both single mothers and married mothers tend to have more physical contact with boys than

with girls (see Figure 4). In Figure 4, the level of single mothers’ physical contact with their

daughters looks extremely low, however, the interaction effect was not significant.

Figure 4: Means of mothers’ physical contact score by family structure and child’s Gender

DISCUSSION

Although many studies in Western countries reported a disadvantage of being in a single- mother household on children’s adjustment, a comparable Japanese study (Nakamichi, 2017)

did not show the same results. Since there is no other Japanese study on this issue, we

conducted an online survey to increase the knowledge base of children’s well-being in single- mother families.

The result of the present study indicated the effect of single-motherhood on children only for

girls’ behavior problems. Preschool-aged girls from single-mother families had significantly

higher scores on behavior problems (hostile-aggressive, anxious-fearful, and hyperactive- distractible) than did boys from single-mother families and children from two-parent families.

This result is consistent with Mokrue, et al. (2012), but not with Nakamichi, (2017), the

previous Japanese study.

As stated earlier, inconsistent results may be due to the different raters of children’s behaviors;

teachers’ rating in Nakamichi (2017) compared to mothers’ rating in the present study. The

disparity between mothers’ and teachers’ ratings on children’s behavior problems has been

36

36.5

37

37.5

38

38.5

39

39.5

40

40.5

Girls Boys Girls Boys

Single Mother Married Mother

Physical contact

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reported in previous studies (e.g., Achenback, McConaughy, & Howell, 1987; Gagnon, Vitaro,

Tremblay, 1992; Katsurada, 2005). Since teachers and mothers see different aspects of

children, the discrepancy in the results may denote that judging from the observation of

teachers, preschoolers’ problem behaviors are not much different between children from

single-mother families and married-mother families, whereas from the observation of mothers

there are some differences, especially for girls. Mothers’ rating of behavior problems would

reflect the relationship between mother and child, and the result of the present study could be

interpreted as a poor relationship between single-mothers and their daughters. Based on this

result we need to pay careful attention to families inclusive of a single mother and one or more

daughters, and may need to provide more support to them.

Another interesting result of the present study is that mothers tend to physically touch boys

more than girls during daily care regardless of the family structure (single-mother or two- parent household). This could provide a partial explanation for the present result of girl’s

higher level of externalizing problems than boys in single-mother household, since the

association between maternal touch and a child’s aggression was found in previous studies

(Filed, et al., 1994; Main & Stadman, 1981; Katsurada, 2012). However, researchers must be

cautious about this explanation because previous studies did not reveal gender difference in

mothers’ physical touch in daily care and play-related storytelling task (Katsurada, 2012; Aznar

& Tenenbaum, 2016). Therefore, this explanation is possible only for this sample.

The major limitation of the present study is the lack of information on individual children,

which made it impossible to control for child age. Although the mother’s age which seems to

correlate with the child’s age was included as covariate, the child’s age would work as stronger

covariate. Another limitation is that children’s social behaviors were assessed only by mothers.

As argued earlier, it is possible that children’s social behavior ratings are different depending

on the rater. Multiple assessments of children’s behaviors by various raters should be included

in one study. Further, there are limitations to utilizing an internet survey. First, our sample is

biased toward internet-literate mothers since only those who have access to a computer and

registered with the survey company could participate in this study. Second, as two challenges

with internet surveys are that different internet-survey companies may produce different

results, and that some respondents of an internet survey are more likely to use minimum effort

to answer the questions (Miura & Kobayashi, 2015). Our research could not eliminate these

problems. We need to conduct similar studies using different internet survey companies and

include Instructional Manipulation Check (IMC) items.

Despite these limitations, this internet survey made it possible for us to collect as much data on

single mothers as those of married mothers. Also, the participants in this internet survey reside

all over Japan, thus the results represent a more general population than those of a community

sample. To our knowledge, this was only the second study in Japan that investigated young

children’s social behaviors comparing children from single-mother household and those from

two-parent households. These two studies show different results and therefore we need

additional studies for conclusive results on this issue.

Declarations

There was no external funding for this study, therefore, there was no potential conflict of

interest. APA ethical standards were followed in the conduct of the study. Informed consent

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Katsurada, E., & Ueda, M. (2024). A Comparison of Children’s Social Behaviors in Single Mother and Two Parent Families in Japan. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 11(7). 07-16.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.117.17159

was obtained based on the survey company’s ethical codes prior to individual monitor

registration.

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Footnotes

1 Since the tendency to gender difference was found on mothers’ physical contact (p < .10), another MANOVA

was conducted which added physical contact scores to the existing control variables. However, significant

interaction and main effects of family structure and children’s gender did not change.