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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 11, No. 5
Publication Date: May 25, 2024
DOI:10.14738/assrj.115.16955.
Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese.
Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online
Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese
Nin Ri
Tokyo University of Agriculture and Technology
ABSTRACT
This research investigates gender bias in Korean spousal terms through an online
survey conducted among Koreans (101 women and 134 men) from October 2023 to
February 2024. Comparative analysis reveals that the gender bias in Korean aligns
closer with that of Japanese than Chinese. Terms such as "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang- ban" (outer nobleman) and "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person at home), emphasizing
traditional gender roles, bear resemblances to "主人 shu-jin" (master) and "家内 ka- nai" (one inside the house) in Japanese. Korean couples also use terms based on
their children's names when addressing each other publicly and privately,
mirroring a practice observed between Japanese couples. Nevertheless, Korean
spousal terms present specific features. For instance, "여보 yeo-bo"(darling),
exclusively used between spouses, signifies progress toward gender equality within
the couple's relationship. Moreover, there is a noticeable uptick in men's use of the
loanword "와이프wa-i-peu" (wife), and women's preference for the term "남편nam- pyeon" (male side), reflecting a growing awareness of gender equality. The results
indicate that Korean spousal terms still reflect traditional male-dominated values,
but are gradually improving. Further research is needed to elucidate the underlying
reasons for gender bias hidden in spousal terms across East Asia. (210 words)
Keywords: gender bias, spousal terms, married couples, social values, Korean language
INTRODUCTION
Gender Biases in Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Languages
More than two decades into the twenty-first century, significant strides have been made in
promoting gender equality globally. However, in East Asian regions such as China, Japan, and
South Korea, gender disparities persist. According to the 2023 Gender Gap Index by the World
Economic Forum, these countries rank relatively low, with South Korea at 105th, China at
107th, and Japan at 125th (World Economic Forum, 2023). Historically, Eastern culture once
flowed from China to Japan via the Korean peninsula, the three countries have shared many
cultural elements of East Asia, including the common usage of Chinese characters. Many
commonalities can explain why China, Japan, and Korea lag behind other countries in gender
equality, including East Asian culture influenced by Confucianism, and social values such as the
division of labor between men and women. These social-cultural norms often assign men to
work outside the house while women are expected to stay at home, shouldering the burden of
housework and childcare. Consequently, similarities in spousal terms reflecting traditional
gender roles among these countries are expected. However, the concept of gender equality
primarily aligns with modern Western ideologies, with Western countries generally making
more progress compared to East Asia. Surprisingly, Nin (2023a, 2023b) found that Japan,
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despite its presumed Westernization, lags behind China on gender equality in spousal terms
use. This suggests that factors driving the transformation of traditional gender roles are not
solely attributed to Westernization.
Language reflects prevailing social values, as demonstrated by Nin's examination of spousal
terms in China and Japan. Japanese spousal terms often reflect traditional male dominance,
with husbands commonly referring to their wives as "家内 ka-nai" (one inside the house), a
patriarchal expression. While Japanese wives often address their husbands as "主人 shu-jin"
(master), indicating a relationship of superiority and subordination (Nin, 2023b). In contrast,
Chinese spousal terms, while not entirely free from gender bias, are less male-centric than those
of Japanese, with couples predominantly using "老公 lǎogōng" (old lord) for male spouses and
"老婆 lǎopo" (old granny) for female spouses (Nin, 2023a). Given the historical and cultural
context, this study aims to investigate whether Korean spousal terms resemble those in Chinese
or Japanese, as uncovered by Nin (2023a, 2023b), and whether there are unique characteristics
specific to the Korean language. Methods similar to those used in Nin's previous study were
employed.
Notably, there are two countries on the Korean Peninsula: The democratic People’s Republic of
Korea (DPRK or North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea). While they
share most cultural aspects, they have different political regimes: communism (or socialism)
and capitalism, respectively. Ideally, data from both Korean samples must be included in this
research. However, obtaining suitable samples from the DPRK remains challenging. Therefore,
this survey was exclusively conducted in Seoul, the capital city of South Korea. Consequently,
the term "Korean" in this paper refers specifically to the language used in South Korea.
Nonetheless, data from the DPRK are crucial for achieving the ultimate research goal in the
future.
Characteristics of the Korean Language
Before delving into the survey details, it is essential to briefly describe the characteristics of the
Korean language. There are three main types of vocabulary in Korean: native Korean words
called Hangul, words derived from Chinese characters, and loanwords from foreign languages.
Korean has been continuously influenced by Chinese for a long time and has a rich vocabulary
adopted from the Chinese language. As a result, more than 70% of the Korean vocabulary is
composed of Chinese words, which means each character of these words is derived from
Chinese characters but pronounced in Korean pronunciation. Nevertheless, most of them retain
the pronunciation of the ancient Chinese language. For example, the official name of the
Republic of Korea, "大韓民國 Dà hán mín guó", was originally written in four Chinese
characters. Consequently, Korea was part of the cultural sphere of Chinese characters, similar
to Japan and other East Asian countries. In 1443, Koreans developed their unique phonetic
alphabet, Hangul, for Korean orthography. Hangul is used solely for transcribing the phonetics
of Korean words. For instance, "大韓民國 Dà hán mín guó" is transcribed in Hangul as
"대한민국 dae-han-min-gug", preserving the correspondence between phonetic symbols and
Chinese characters, as "大 dà" = "대 dae", "韓 hán" = "한 han", "民 mín" = "민 min", and "國 guó"
= "국 gug". Hangul consists of phonetic components for vowels and consonants, which are
combined into one-syllabic letters. This method of character creation was modeled after the
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
same approach used for Chinese characters. Since 1948, Korea has gradually reduced the usage
of Chinese characters in its orthography, with practically all Korean words being written in
Hangul in 2005. However, despite this shift, most Korean words originated from combinations
of Chinese characters and are phonetically transcribed with Hangul. On the other hand, the
Japanese also developed two sets of phonetic alphabets, Hiragana and Katakana, for their
written language in the 8th century. Unlike the Korean alphabet, Hangul, the Japanese alphabet
cannot be decomposed, thus the Japanese continue to use Chinese characters in their writing
system with a mix of Hiragana and Katakana. Therefore, Korean and Japanese retain the
Chinese character culture in distinct manners. Although influenced by Chinese characters in
orthography, the syntax and phonology of Korean and Japanese are entirely distinct from
Chinese. For example, while the basic word order in Korean and Japanese follows Subject- Object-Verb (SOV), Chinese follows Subject-Verb-Object (SVO). Moreover, Chinese features four
tones, whereas Korean and Japanese lack tonal distinctions. Conversely, Korean and Japanese
share various similarities. There are substantial overlaps and resemblances between the
vocabularies of Japanese and Korean (Tsukamoto, 2021).
Historically, Korea has experienced sustained and extensive influences from China. However,
in the early 20th century, Korea underwent modernization across various social systems under
the dominance of the Japanese Empire until World War II. Koreans were compelled to use the
Japanese language instead of their native Korean during the Japanese colonial regime. After the
war, Koreans actively pursued independence from both China and Japan. This endeavor
contributed to the cessation of Chinese character usage, leading to the exclusive adoption of
Hangul as the replacement. The current Korean orthography differs markedly in appearance
from those of Chinese and Japanese, but the linguistic heritage of both languages remains
deeply rooted in the Korean language.
As exemplified above, Since the vocabulary of the Korean language originally consisted of many
words composed of Chinese characters, many Korean words still retain their original meanings
derived from these Chinese characters. Therefore, it is essential to know the meaning of both
compound words and individual Hangul characters to understand any Korean words
thoroughly. This paper presents Korean words in standard orthography, followed by their
phonetic transcriptions and English translations in brackets. Additionally, Chinese and
Japanese words in this paper are indicated in the same way. Hence, the main Korean spousal
terms and their constructional origins in this paper are listed in Table 1 for readers unfamiliar
with the Korean language.
Male-dominated Korean Society Built on Confucian Culture
Korea is often referred to as a "Confucian country", with Confucianism playing an important
role on Korean society, influencing various aspects of socio-cultural values, interpersonal
relations, and even gender roles. According to Confucian teachings, women are not regarded as
equal to men and are only expected to support men from the shadows. Women were
traditionally prohibited from appearing in public, as evidenced by the Korean proverb "암탉이
울면 집안이 망한다 am-talg-i ul-myeon jib-an-i mang-han-da" (When the hen crows, the house
is ruined) (Cho, 2017). This proverb gives a glimpse into the attitude of men treating women as
objects of domination and subordination since ancient times, originating from the Chinese
idiom "牝鸡司晨pìn jī sī chén" (The hen cackles in the morning). There is also a similar Japanese
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proverb, "雌鶏歌えば家滅ぶ mendori utaeba ie horobu" (When the hen crows, the house is
destroyed). Proverbs often encapsulate folk wisdom but unwittingly conceal patriarchy, male- centrism, and resulting gender bias.
Table 1: Korean spousal terms in this paper.
Confucian influence has long prevailed in South Korea, persisting until recent times. However,
situations have been changing with the rapid economic development, social reforms, and the
improvement of women's educational level.
During the 1990s, women's organizations continued to campaign actively, resulting in
significant progress in gender equality. For example, the Ministry of Gender Equality was
established in 2001, and later renamed the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family in 2005.
Subsequently, the Quota System was implemented in the general election of 2004, leading to a
substantial increase in the proportion of seats held by female legislators from around 6% to
approximately 14%. In 2012, South Korea elected its first female president. As of 2022, the
percentage of female legislators in South Korea reached 18.6% (Cabinet Office, 2022).
Furthermore, the gender gap in college enrollment rates has been steadily narrowing. In 2022,
South Korea had the highest college enrollment rate among OECD member countries at 71.9%,
female students at 73.8%, and male students at 70.0% (Masumori, 2023). Additionally, the
number of women employed in professional occupations such as doctors, lawyers, and public
Korean Phonetic
transcription
English translation Constituent characters and their meanings
처 cheo wife 처 = 妻 qī = wife
부 bu husband 부 = 夫 fū = husband
집사람 jib-sa-lam a person at home 집 = 家 jiā = home 사람 = person
안사람 an-sa-lam a person inside 안 = 内 nèi = inside 사람 = person
아내 a-nae insider 안 = 内 nèi = inside 애 = suffix
마누라 ma-nu-la an elderly woman 마누라= elderly woman
와이프 wa-i-peu wife a loanword from the English "wife"
여편네 yeo-pyeon-ne a squaw 여 = 女 nǚ = female 편= 便 biàn = side 네=
suffix
남편 nam-pyeon male side 남 = 男 nán = male 편= 便 biàn = side
신랑 sin-lang bridegroom 신 = 新 xīn= new 랑 = 郎 láng = man
바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban outer nobleman 바깥 = outside 양반 = 两班 liǎngbān =
nobleman
당신 dang-sin you (a polite form) 당 = 当 dāng = be 신= 身 shēn = oneself
자기 ja-gi self 자 = 自 zì = self 기 = 己 jǐ = oneself
오빠 o-ppa elder brother 오빠 = elder brother
아빠 a-ppa dad 아빠 = dad
엄마 eom-ma mom 엄마 = mom
여보 yeo-bo hi/darling contraction of the phrase 여보시오= look
here
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
servants has been increasing continuously (Ikemoto and Han, 2014). South Korea has made
significant strides in promoting gender equality over the past two decades.
However, despite these advancements, South Korea still struggles with gender inequality.
According to the recent Global Gender Gap Index, South Korea ranked 105th out of 146
countries. This reflects that South Korea is one of the gender-inequal countries globally (World
Economic Forum, 2023).
Previous Studies on the Korean Spousal Terms
In Korean, the words "부 bu" (husband) and "처 cheo" (wife) generally denote "husband" and
"wife", but when referring to one's spouse to a third party, various other terms are used.
Previous research on Korean spousal terms has been conducted independently by several
researchers (Han, 1994, 1996; Hong, 2007, 2017; Seo, 1984; and Yoon, 2012). According to
these studies, Korean spousal terms bear closer resemblance to those found in Japanese rather
than Chinese. For instance, when introducing one's spouse to a third party, Korean women
commonly use terms such as "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban" (outer nobleman), while Korean
men commonly use terms such as "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person at home) and "안사람 an-sa- lam" (a person inside). These common usages suggest outdated and unequal marital
relationships, as implied by the original meanings of these Korean spousal terms.
For example, in the term "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban", "바깥" (ba-kkat) is a Korean-originated
word meaning "outside" while "양반" (yang-ban) is the Chinese characters "两班 liǎngbān"
signifying "a high-ranking official of the Joseon dynasty". Thus, "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban"
literally means "a nobleman working outside as a high-ranking official just like in the Joseon
dynasty", a respectful term to refer to one's husband. On the other hand, in the term "집사람 jib- sa-lam", "집 jip" means "house/home" and "사람 sa-lam" means "person", "집사람 jib-sa-lam"
literally means "a person at home", a humble term referring to one's wife. These usage patterns
resemble those of Japanese couples who use "主人 shu-jin" (master) to refer to a husband and
"家内 ka-nai" (one inside the house) to refer to a wife (Nin, 2023b).
While these surveys provide valuable insights into spousal term usage across different periods,
the data require updating. Even the most recent one by Hong (2017) was conducted in 2013-
2014 and given the significant changes in general language use over the past decade, updating
the data is necessary. Additionally, previous studies on spousal terms often relied on methods
such as interviews, home visits with limited informants, or introspection by the authors
themselves. However, these approaches may not have fully captured the overall trend of
language usage among married couples in South Korea, as informants may be hesitant to
provide honest answers during in-person interviews.
Moreover, these studies primarily focused on couples referring to their spouses in
conversations with others, potentially overlooking variations in term usage across different
social contexts. Nin (2023a) investigated how Chinese couples referred to their spouses when
introducing them to others in formal and informal settings, and how they addressed each other
when the couple was alone at home, revealing variations in term usage.
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Therefore, this study adopts the online survey method utilized by Nin (2023a, 2023b), which
offers several advantages including broader geographic coverage, anonymity for more candid
responses, and ease of collecting a larger sample for data analysis. By employing similar survey
procedures, this study aims to compare the findings with previous research on Chinese and
Japanese spousal terms conducted by Nin. Furthermore, the study explores the sociolinguistic
features specific to Korean spousal terms.
OUTLINE OF THE ONLINE SURVEY
This study utilized the internet questionnaire tool Google Forms to conduct a survey, following
the methodology employed by Nin (2023a,2023b), to gather insights on spousal terms across
various social contexts. To recruit participants, undergraduates at several universities in the
Seoul area were encouraged to invite their parents to participate in the online survey. This
approach ensured that respondents comprised married couples with adolescent children.
Aligned with Nin (2023a,2023b) on spousal terms used in Chinese and Japanese, questions
were formulated covering the following three categories: a) Indirect spousal terms: How
respondents introduce their spouses to others (such as business clients, bosses, colleagues, or
close friends); b) Direct spousal terms: How spouses address each other when alone at home;
and c) Preferred spousal terms: the terms respondents prefer their spouses to use when
addressing them publicly and privately.
In addition, this survey was conducted anonymously, except for collecting gender, age, and
educational background information, consistent with Nin's methodology (Nin, 2023a, 2023b).
RESULTS
235 valid responses from participants (101 women and 134 men) were collected from October
2023 to February 2024. The distribution of age and gender among respondents was as follows:
among women, 28.8% were aged 40–49, 53.0% were aged 50–59, and 18.2% were aged 60–
69; among men, 21.8% were aged 40–49, 54.5% were aged 50–59, and 24.2% were aged 60–
69.
Furthermore, respondents' educational backgrounds were as follows: among women, 39.4%
had a high school education, 37.9% had a college education, and 13.6% had a master’s or
doctoral degree; among men, 43.9% had a high school education, 36.4% had a college
education, and 16.7% had a master’s or doctoral degree.
In the following subsections, the results of the three categories (indirect, direct, and preferred
spousal terms) are presented. For each category, separate analyses for female and male
respondents are provided. Additionally, whether term usage patterns vary based on age and
educational background is explored.
Indirect Spousal Terms
Women's Term Usage:
Figure 1 shows that in formal settings women primarily used the term "남편 nam-pyeon" (male
side) when introducing their spouses to others. Specifically, 51.5% of women used this term
when introducing their spouses to business clients, while 53.0% used it when introducing them
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
to their bosses. The second most common term was "[child’s name] 아빠 a-ppa" ([child’s name]
dad), used by 19.7% of women when introducing their spouses to business clients and by
12.1% when introducing them to their bosses. The third most commonly used term was "신랑
sin-lang" (bridegroom), used by 13.6% of women in both settings. Notably, the traditional term
"바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban" (outer nobleman) was only used by 6.1% of women. This
indicates that more than 50% of women choose to use "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) more
frequently than "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban" (outer nobleman), a traditional respectful term
for a husband, similar to Japanese wives often refer to their husbands as "主人 shu-jin"
(master).
Figure 1: Terms used by women when introducing their spouses to bosses (gray) and clients
(black).
As depicted in Figure 2, in settings with colleagues or close friends, the most common term
remained "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side), followed by "[child’s name] 아빠 a-ppa" ([child’s
name] dad) and "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom). When introducing their spouses to a colleague,
48.5% of women used "남편 nam-pyeon" while 30.3% used it when introducing them to a close
friend. Compared to formal settings, the use of "남편 nam-pyeon" slightly decreased, while the
use of "[child’s name] 아빠" and "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom) increased slightly. Additionally,
"바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban" (outer nobleman) was rarely used. From Figures 1 and 2, it is
evident that there is a role division in term usage, with "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) being
more common in formal settings and "[child’s name] 아빠" and "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom)
more common in intimate settings. Notably, "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom) traditionally refers
to "a man on his wedding day", yet the term is used in intimate settings, such as talking with a
close friend by middle-aged married women referring to their husbands. It is also worth noting
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%
남편
nam-pyeon
(male side)
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
신랑
sin-lang
(bridegroom)
바깥양반
ba-kkat-yang-ban
(outer nobleman)
to bosses to clients
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that referring to a spouse as "아빠 a-ppa" (dad) after the child's name is uniquely and widely
used among married women in Korea, especially among colleagues and friends. This will be
explored further, indicating a similar usage in Japanese spousal terms (Fischer, 1964; Suzuki,
1973).
Figure 2: Terms used by women when introducing their spouses to friends (gray) and
colleagues (black).
Figure 3 demonstrates that across all age groups, "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) was the most
frequently used term, followed by "[child’s name] 아빠 a-ppa" ([child’s name] dad), and
"신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom). While the usage rates were similar for the first two terms across
all age groups, women in their 60s did not use "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom) at all.
Figure 3: The proportion of terms used by women to introduce their spouses based on age
group.
Data analysis based on educational background (Figure 4) reveals similar patterns across all
educational groups, except for the usage rates of "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom). The most
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50%
남편
nam-pyeon
(male side)
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
신랑
sin-lang
(bridegroom)
바깥양반
ba-kkat-yang-ban
(outer nobleman)
to friends to colleagues
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
Women 40s Women 50s Women 60s
남편
nam-pyeon
(male side)
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
신랑
sin-lang
(bridegroom)
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
significant difference was that women with high school education backgrounds used "신랑 sin- lang" (bridegroom) almost twice as much as women with higher educational backgrounds.
Figure 4: Proportion of terms used by women to introduce their spouses based on educational
background.
Men's Term Usage:
As shown in Figure 5, in formal situations, men used the term "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at
home) most commonly, with 36.4% of men using it with bosses and 31.8% with business
clients. The second most common term was "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife), a loanword from the
English spousal term "wife". 21.2% of men used it with business clients and 18.2% with bosses.
The third most common term was "[child’s name] 엄마 eom-ma" ([child’s name] mom), 16.7%
of men used it with business clients and 10.6% with bosses. However, the usage rate of "아내 a- nae" (insider), a traditional humble term for a wife in Korean, was less than 10%, at 7.6% with
business clients and 9.1% with bosses, indicating that men rarely used it in formal settings.
Figure 5: Terms used by men when introducing their spouses to bosses (gray) and business
clients (black).
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
High school graduates College graduates Graduate school
graduates
남편
nam-pyeon
(male side)
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
신랑
sin-lang
(bridegroom)
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%
집사람
jib-sa-lam
(a person at home)
와이프
wa-i-peu
(wife)
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
마누라
ma-nu-la
(an elderly woman)
아내
a-nae
(insider)
to bosses to clients
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Figure 6: Terms used by men when introducing their spouses to friends (gray) and colleagues
(black).
However, as illustrated in Figure 6, when introducing their spouses to a colleague or a close
friend, although the use rate of "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at home) still ranked highest, men
used a wide variety of terms. Especially when introducing their spouse to a close friend, the use
rate of the three terms "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at home), "[child’s name] 엄마 eom-ma"
([child’s name] mom), and "마누라 ma-nu-la" (an elderly woman) was very close, at 25.8%,
24.2%, and 21.2%, respectively.
As shown in Figure 7, the term usage among men of different ages showed that "집사람 jip-sa- lam" (a person at home) was the most frequently used across all age groups. Particularly, the
highest usage rate was observed among men in their 60s, at 50.0%, nearly twice as frequently
as other age groups. The usage of the loanword "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife) was prominent among
men in their 40s and 50s but notably declined among those in their 60s (40s: 36%; 50s: 22%;
60s: 6%). Additionally, men in their 40s rarely used "[child’s name] 엄마 eom-ma" ([child’s
name] mom) compared to older age groups (40s: 7%; 50s: 17%; 60s: 25%). The results
indicated that older individuals tended to utilize the combination of the child's name more
frequently. Conversely, younger groups showed a tendency to use the English loanword
"와이프 wa-i-pu" (wife) at nearly the same rate as "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person at home).
The use of "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at home) will be further discussed in the discussion
section. Noteworthy, "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at home) is a Korean traditional humble
term for a wife, which resembles the Japanese spousal term "家内 ka-nai" (one inside the
house).
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%
집사람
jib-sa-lam
(a person at home)
와이프
wa-i-peu
(wife)
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
마누라
ma-nu-la
(an elderly woman)
아내
a-nae
(insider)
to friends to colleagues
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URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
Figure 7: The proportion of terms used by men to introduce their spouses based on age group.
The analysis of educational background-specific data reveals that "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person
at home) was the most common term across all educational groups, as illustrated in Figure 8.
There was nearly no difference in the usage rate of this term among men in any group.
Additionally, there was very little variation in the usage rate of the term "[child’s name]
엄마 eom-ma" between men in any group.
Figure 8: Proportion of terms used by men to introduce their spouses based on educational
background.
However, the most significant difference was observed among men with college degrees, who
used "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife) more frequently than the other groups, at 29%, and did not use
"마누라 ma-nu-la" (an elderly woman) at all. Conversely, men with high school educations used
"마누라 ma-nu-la" (old woman) more frequently, at 17%, the same rate as "와이프 wa-i-peu"
(wife) and "[child’s name] 엄마 eom-ma" ([child’s name] mom). In summary, differences in the
choice of spousal terms based on educational background were revealed.
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
Men 40s Men 50s Men 60s
집사람
jib-sa-lam
(a person at home)
와이프
wa-i-peu
(wife)
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
마누라
ma-nu-la
(an elderly woman)
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
High school graduates College graduates Graduate school
graduates
집사람
jib-sa-lam
(a person at home)
와이프
wa-i-peu
(wife)
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
마누라
ma-nu-la
(an elderly woman)
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Notably, "마누라 ma-nu-la" (an elderly woman) was historically used as a respectful term for
the wives of royalty and noblemen until the early 19th century. However, in the 20th century,
its respectful connotation faded, and it came to refer to middle-aged wives of commoners (Han,
1996). This evolution is similar to the Japanese spousal term "女房 nyō-bo" (old woman), which
originally denoted a high-ranked female servant in ancient aristocratic society but now refers
to a commoner's middle-aged wife in informal settings. Additionally, it is worth noting that the
term "[child’s name] 엄마" ([child’s name] mom) used by married men when introducing their
wives to others is a unique and widespread practice in public settings.
Direct Spousal Terms
This section delves into the terms couples use when addressing each other directly in the
privacy of their homes. Figure 9 presents a comparison of the terms used by women and men.
The findings reveal that "여보 yeo-bo" was the most prevalent term used by both women and
men, at 31.8% and 33.3% respectively, followed closely by the combination of the child’s name,
at 24.2% and 25.8% respectively.
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%
여보
yeo-bo
(hi/darling)
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
당신
dang-sin
(you)
자기
ja-gi
(self)
[first name]씨
[first name]ssi
[first name]아/야
[first name]a/ya
How women address their spouses at home
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
Figure 9: How couples directly address each other at home: women's terms (top) and men's
(bottom).
The term "여보 yeo-bo" is the contraction of the phrase "여보시오 yo-bo-si-o" meaning "look
here", but gradually has evolved to be a term of endearment exclusively used between married
partners. It is translated into English as "honey/darling". Noteworthy, the male dominance
observed in spousal terms dissipates when couples privately address each other using this
term.
Except for the terms noted above, the use rates of other terms were notably low. However,
distinctions emerged between women and men. For instance, men commonly use their spouse's
"first name 아/야 a/ya" (12.1%) when directly addressing them at home. In contrast, women
seldom use it, instead, they tend to use "당신 dang-sin" (9.1%) and "자기 ja-gi" (7.6%).
"당신 dang-sin" is a polite and formal term for "you", while "자기 ja-gi" originally meaning "self
" implies a sense of self-identification when used to refer to another person. This suggests the
difference in term usage between husband and wife when addressing each other directly at
home. Noteworthy, both men and women used the combination of the child's name added with
"mom/dad", even when their children were not present. While it seems unusual to use the
child's name without the child around, Japanese couples similarly refer to each other as "お母
さん o-ka-san" (mother) / "お父さん o-to-san" (father) or "ママ mama" (mama) / "パパ papa"
(papa) even when their children are absent. Fischer (1964) highlighted this characteristic
phenomenon of Japanese kinship terms, interpreting it as reflecting a "child-centered
viewpoint". Suzuki (1973) explained it as a psychological adjustment by parents who identify
with their children and adopt their child-like position, which he referred to as "empathic
identification". Thus, the use type of the child's name combinations in Korean spousal terms
shows another similarity between the Japanese and Korean languages.
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%
여보
yeo-bo
(hi/darling)
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
[first name]아/야
[first name]a/ya
[first name]씨
[first name]ssi
당신
dang-sin
(you)
자기
ja-gi
(self)
How men address their spouses at home
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Preferred Spousal Terms
In the last section, the results of the preferred terms by Korean couples in both public and
private settings are presented. As depicted in Figure 10, among women, the most preferred
term was "아내 a-nae" (insider) at 30.3%, followed by "와이프 wa-i-pu" (wife) at 19.70%, and
"집사람 jib-sa-lam"(a person at home) at 12.1%. Notably, there is a significant difference
between the preferred and actual usage of these spousal terms, as men mostly used "집사람 jip- sa-lam"(a person at home) when referring to their wives in public, but rarely used "아내 a-nae"
(insider). Among men, the majority preferred term is "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) at 66.7%,
followed by "신랑 sin-lang" (bridegroom) and "[first name] 씨 ssi" (a suffix of respect), both at
7.6%. Others were less than 5%. "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) remained the top preferred
spousal term, consistent with its actual usage.
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%
아내
a-nae
(insider)
와이프
wa-i-peu
(wife)
집사람
jib-sa-lam
(a person at home)
[first name]씨
[first name]ssi
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
마누라
ma-nu-la
(an elderly woman)
How women prefer to be referred publicly
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Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
Figure 10: How couples prefer to be addressed publicly: women's terms (top) and men's
(bottom)
In private settings, among women, the most common response was "여보 yeo-bo" (42.4%),
followed by "자기 ja-gi" (12.1%), "[first name] 씨 ssi" (9.1%), and "[child’s name] 엄마 eom- ma" (7.6%). On the other hand, among men, the most common response was "여보 yeo-bo"
(37.9%), followed by "[first name] 씨 ssi" (13.6%), "자기 ja-gi" (10.6%), and "[child’s name]
아빠 a-ppa" (9.1%), as exhibited in Figure 11.
However, except for "여보 yeo-bo" (darling), the preferred ranking differs from the actual
usage. There is a discrepancy between the preferred term and the actual use. The preferred
term ranking is not consistent with the actual usage, especially concerning the use of "[child’s
name] 엄마 eom-ma/아빠 a-ppa", revealing a noticeable gap between preferred and actual
usage of these terms among women and men.
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%
남편
nam-pyeon
(male side)
신랑
sin-lang
(bridegroom)
[first name]씨
[first name]ssi
[child's name]아빠
[child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
바깥양반
ba-kkat-yang-ban
(outer nobleman)
How men prefer to be referred publicly
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Figure 11: How couples prefer to be addressed privately: women's terms (top) and men's
(bottom)
DISCUSSION
Parallels between Korean and Japanese Spousal Term Usage
Nin (2023a, 2023b) conducted online surveys on spousal terms in Chinese and Japanese, using
the same questionnaire as this present study. Therefore, a direct comparison of spousal terms
in Korean, Chinese, and Japanese languages can be made. Given the shared cultural heritage
among China, Japan, and South Korea, including the common use of Chinese characters,
parallels in spousal term usage, besides gender biases, might be anticipated. However, findings
from this study suggest that Korean spousal terms bear a closer resemblance to Japanese than
Chinese.
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%
여보
yeo-bo
(hi/darling)
자기
ja-gi
(self)
[first name]씨
[child's name]엄마
[child's name]eom-ma
([child's name]mom)
당신
dang-sin
(you)
How women prefer to be addressed privately
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%
여보
yeo-bo
(hi/darling)
[first name]씨
자기
ja-gi
(self)
[child's name]
아빠 [child's name]a-ppa
([child's name]dad)
당신
dang-sin
(you)
How men prefer to be addressed privately
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
In Japan, traditional spousal terms that emphasize male dominance, such as "主人 shu-jin"
(master) and "旦那 dan-na" (patron) for husbands, and "家内 ka-nai" (one inside the house), "
女房 nyō-bo" (old woman) for wives, implying a superior-subordinate relationship, persist to
the present day (Nin, 2023b). Conversely, spousal terms in China have shifted from male- dominated to more gender-equal, with traditional terms reflecting male chauvinism declining
in usage (Nin, 2023a). Chinese spousal terms associated with traditional male dominance and
disrespect towards women have almost disappeared. Additionally, the once symbolically
revolutionary and gender-equal term "爱人 àiren" (loved one) is now declining in usage.
Instead, terms such as "老公 lǎogōng" (old lord) and "老婆 lǎopó" (old granny), once commonly
used, are now prevalent. Similarly, spousal terms such as "先生 xiān sheng" (sir) and "太太 tài
tai" (madame), popular among modern intellectuals in the 1930s, are experiencing a
resurgence today.
Data from Korean couples reveal similarities to Japanese spousal terms rather than Chinese
ones. First, Korean men predominantly use the traditional term "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person
at home), similar to Japanese men's use of "家内 ka-nai" (one inside the house). Similarly, some
Korean women still use the traditional male-dominant term "바깥양반 ba-kkat-yang-ban"
(outer nobleman), resembling Japanese women's use of "主人 shu-jin" (master) and "旦那 dan- na" (patron) for their husbands.
Second, "마누라 ma-nu-la" (an elderly woman) mirrors the usage of "女房 nyō-bo" (old woman)
in Japanese. These two spousal terms initially held respectful meanings for women of high
status in aristocratic society, but as time went on, the respect diminished, and both terms came
to denote wives of common people, now considered derogatory used by men to refer to their
middle-aged wives in an informal setting.
Third, another common use type is the child-based terms between Korean and Japanese.
Japanese couples often address each other as "お父さん o-to-san" (father) / "お母さん o-ka- san" (mother), or "パパ papa" (papa) / "ママ mama" (mama), even in the absence of children.
Similarly, Korean couples exhibit this pattern, using "아빠 a-ppa" (dad) and "엄마 eom-ma"
(mom) following the child's name to refer to their spouse.
Lastly, when couples are alone at home, common gender biases are evident in the use of the
second-person pronoun in both Japanese and Korean. In Japan, women often use the honorific
second-person pronoun "あなた a-na-ta" (a polite form of 'you') when addressing their
spouses, while men tend to use the derogatory "おまえ o-ma-e" (a pejorative form of 'you')
(Nin, 2023b). Similarly, Korean women tend to use "당신 dang-sin" (a polite form of 'you') and
"자기 ja-gi" (self), originally a recursive pronoun that then became a respectful form of a
second-person pronoun. In contrast, Korean men tend to use their wives' "[first name]
아/야 a/ya" to address their spouses, a term typically used by superiors to subordinates or to
call an animal (Han, 1996; Hong, 2007; Yoon, 2012). Since it is general for a subordinate to use
polite language towards a superior, the use of polite language by wives towards their husbands
indicates their lower status at home, suggesting that both Japan and South Korea remain male- centered societies with hierarchical relationships between married couples.
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In summary, these findings suggest that the relationships between husbands and wives in Japan
and South Korea are unequal and patriarchal, with wives often accepting their husbands' use
of derogatory terms rather than resisting them. Conversely, a similar usage cannot be found in
Chinese research. Further research is needed to examine these use phenomena and their
implications for gender equality in East Asia.
Unique Sociolinguistic Features of Korean Spousal Terms
Remarkably, Korean data demonstrate a lower degree of gender bias compared with Japanese.
This highlights the unique sociolinguistic features of Korean spousal terms, which differ from
those observed in Chinese and Japanese, despite sharing similar East Asian cultural heritage.
Firstly, a notable feature is the term "여보 yeo-bo" (darling), used by Korean married couples
when alone at home as an endearing expression similar to "honey/darling/dear" in English.
Originally used for accosting a stranger or a person not particularly close, gradually evolved to
a term exclusively used only between spouses. In the 1970s survey, when couples were alone
at home, 83.2% of men and 65.5% of women used "여보 yeo-bo" (Seo, 1984), while in the 1990s
survey, this decreased to 50.6% of men and 48.4% of women (Han, 1994, 1996). In this current
survey, 33.3% of men and 31.8% of women used it. Despite a decline compared to the past,
"여보 yeo-bo" remains the prevalent term when couples are alone at home. This linguistic
phenomenon, rarely observed in Chinese or Japanese, reflects an emerging gender-equal
relationship dynamic between Korean couples.
Secondly, another noteworthy feature is the use of "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife), an English
loanword. While husbands typically refer to their spouses as "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person at
home) in public, nearly 20% of men consciously opt for "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife). Analysis
based on age and education reveals that men in their 40s and 50s, as well as college graduates,
are more inclined to use "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife), indicating a change in gender-equal
perceptions due to increased educational opportunities. This suggests a potential shift towards
"와이프 wa-i-peu" replacing "집사람 jib-sa-lam" (a person at home) may occur in the future.
Language use reflects the views of that society at that time. Social changes have given rise to
new words to eliminate gender discrimination in language (Tanaka and Tanaka, 1996).
"와이프 wa-i-peu" is one of the typical examples. The inequality between married couples was
partially eliminated by using "와이프 wa-i-peu" (wife). Contrastively, there is also a loanword
"ワイフ wa-i-fu"(wife) in Japanese but seldom used by Japanese couples.
Thirdly, there is a noticeable increase in the number of women using the term "남편 nam- pyeon" (male side). In this study, over 50% of women use "남편 nam-pyeon", a substantial
increase from previous studies in the 1990s. For instance, only 18% of women in Han (1996)
and 23% of women in Hong (2007) used this term. This change reflects the growing awareness
of gender equality among women.
Noteworthy, the term "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) refers to a man who becomes a partner
through marriage. Originally, there was a term directly opposite to it,"여편 yeo-pyeon"(female
side) referring to a woman who becomes a partner through marriage. However, the term
"여편 yeo-pyeon" (female side) disappears from the standard Korean dictionary, but
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Ri, N. (2024). Gender Bias in Korean Spousal Terms: Insights from An Online Survey and Comparisons with Japanese and Chinese. Advances in Social
Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
"여편네 yeo-pyeon-ne"(a derogatory term for women) remains instead. There is no derogatory
expression in "여편 yeo-pyeon", but the addition of "네 ne" (a suffix of contempt) adds a
condescending meaning. Nowadays, "여편네 yeo-pyeon-ne" tends to be used by a husband or
someone else to refer to a married woman disparagingly, mainly used when a husband speaks
with a nuance that seems to ignore his wife rather than respect. It suggests another evidence of
the gender bias in Korean spousal terms. How men and women are valued in society is quite
evident in the vocabulary (Tanaka and Tanaka,1996). Terms referring to women are
downgraded in meaning depending on social values. Terms such as "여편네 yeo-pyeon-ne"
have fallen into the category of derogatory for women due to the decline in the meaning of
terms referring to women.
Korean women's awareness of gender equality is improving, surprisingly, the women’s most
preferred term in public is "아내 a-nae" (insider), in which the etymology is "안 an" (inside)
and "애 ae"(a suffix of a person or thing). Thus, "아내 a-nae" means "a person or thing inside"
and corresponds to "a person outside". The etymology suggests that the term is full of
prejudicial connotations that reinforce traditional gender roles: "Men are outside, women are
inside". This preferred term highlights the persistence of gender bias in Korean spousal
dynamics.
Even women, who are becoming gradually aware of gender equality, often do not question the
familiar terms they use daily. In Korean general official documents, such as the Korean marriage
declaration, the male spouse is written as "남편(부) nam-pyeon (bu) " and the female spouse
as "아내(처) a-nae (cheo)". In Korean, "남편nam-pyeon" (male side) and "아내anae" (insider)
are in pairs, "부bu" (husband) and "처cheo" (wife) also in pairs. Given the connotations of the
terms, the latter reflects gender equality, while the former is obviously unequal. It is evident
that the male patriarchal system is considered traditional in Korea, where the male is the
representative of the family, and a woman becomes an "insider" by being incorporated into her
husband's household after marriage. The female spouse is meant to be subordinate to the male
spouse. In contemporary Korean society, the issue of gender power inherent in tradition is
often overlooked. This is another evidence of gender bias in Korean spousal terms.
In sum, based on these results, it was found that when introducing their spouses to others in
public, while women mainly use the term "남편 nam-pyeon" (male side) men use a variety of
anachronistic terms such as "집사람 jip-sa-lam" (a person at home), "마누라 ma-nu-la" (an
elderly woman), and "아내 a-nae" (insider) and so on. It suggests that in male-dominated
Korean society, women seek gender equality and try to avoid terms that express hierarchical
and master-subordinate relationships but men still use terms that are deeply rooted in the idea
of "men are superior to women" and "men enjoy higher status than women". Korean spousal
terms show changing sociolinguistic dynamics that reflect changing perceptions of gender
equality. While women increasingly accept neutral terms, men tend to use traditional
hierarchical terms, indicating that gender inequality persists in Korean society.
Future Directions in Exploring Spousal Term Usage in East Asia
As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, South Korea has traditionally been a male- dominated society, with Confucian teachings etched in the minds of the Korean people.
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Particularly, the ideology that "men are superior to women" has persisted deeply in the
language. It is widely recognized that South Korea, Japan, and China share various cultural
aspects of East Asia, including the common use of Chinese characters. As emphasized in the
introduction, the "hen" proverb across these three East Asian countries has served as a caution,
"Women assuming authority in place of men is considered an omen of bad luck, such as the
destruction of a country or a house”. It confirms that men and women have not been equal since
the ancient time in East Asia.
It is evident that social values such as "男尊女卑 nán zūn nǚ bēi" (men are superior to women),
"男主外, 女主内 nán zhǔ wài nǚ zhǔ nèi" (men are outside, women are inside), and "夫唱妇随
fū chàng fù suí"(husbands sing, wives accompany) are shared across China, Japan, and South
Korea. Historically, in male-dominated societies, men have held power and women have been
subordinate to men, which has been reflected in language use, particularly the spousal terms.
There are parallels in the use of spousal terms, including gender bias, in the three East Asian
countries. In recent years, continuous efforts have been made to improve the social status of
women in South Korea, Japan, and China, and evident changes have been seen in the use of
spousal terms.
The current findings indicate that despite sharing East Asian heritage, Chinese spousal terms
exhibit less gender bias compared to Korean and Japanese terms. This prompts the question:
why have Chinese spousal terms evolved to be less gender-biased?
This is probably due in large part to a series of revolutions in Chinese society that began from
the late 19th to the middle of 20th century, including the 1911 Revolution, the Chinese
bourgeois-democratic revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen which overthrew the Qing Dynasty, the
May 4th Movement of 1919, an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, political and cultural movement
influenced by the October Revolution and led by intellectuals having the rudiments of
Communist ideology, the Socialist Revolution (1921-1949), and the Cultural Revolution (1966-
1976). These revolutions dismantled the traditional male-centered patriarchal family system,
promoted gender equality in society, and improved the status of women at home.
Conversely, during this period, both Japan and Korea emphasized the education of women
based on the concept of "being a good wife and wise mother". In Japanese, it is known as "良妻
賢母 ryō-sai-ken-bo" (good wife and wise mother) (Koyama, 1991), while in Korean, the term
is "현모양처 hyeon-mo-yang-cheo" (wise mother and good wife) influenced by the Japanese
language when Korea was under the colonial rule of the Empire of Japan (Suh, 2012). This
educational concept was a historical complex in the modernization process unique to Japan and
Korea, which was a composite ideology based on Confucianism and influenced by Western
women’s ideology of domesticity.
Nin (2023a) provided support for this hypothesis by citing Chen (1979), who noted that the
gender-equal term "爱人 ài ren" (loved one) emerged in the early 20th century to refer to both
husbands and wives, peaking in usage during the Cultural Revolution. The prevalence of
gender-neutral spousal terms coincided with the influence of the Cultural Revolution. To
investigate this hypothesis, further exploration is planned through a survey in North Korea.
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Sciences Research Journal, 11(5). 159-181.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.115.16955
Even sharing the Korean language, North Korea is under a political regime similar to China. The
hypothesis would be supported if spousal terms in North Korea resemble those in China more
than in South Korea, At the same time, data from Taiwan, the Republic of China, needs to be
gathered. While Taiwanese people use the Chinese language, their political regime aligns closer
with South Korea and Japan. Therefore, Taiwanese data will provide valuable insight from a
different perspective. It is also important to acknowledge that these surveys may yield
conflicting results, due to the influence of various complex factors on language usage. There
may be additional underlying reasons for the gender bias observed in East Asia.
CONCLUSIONS
This research investigated gender bias in Korean spousal terms through an online survey
conducted among Koreans. Comparative analysis revealed that the gender bias in the Korean
language aligns closer with that of Japanese than Chinese. Nevertheless, Korean spousal terms
present specific features. The results indicate that Korean spousal terms still reflect traditional
male-dominated values, but are gradually improving. Further research is needed to elucidate
the underlying reasons for gender bias hidden in spousal terms across East Asia.
It is essential to acknowledge the limitations of this study. Data collected through online
surveys may not fully represent the general population due to the exclusion of individuals
without internet access. Although the widespread use of smartphones may mitigate this
limitation to some extent, caution is advised when interpreting online survey results. Moreover,
the samples were restricted, primarily consisting of parents of university students,
predominantly in their 40s and 50s, and mostly from highly educated backgrounds. Young
Korean couples have been reported to address each other by their first name, and young wives
tend to address their husbands as "오빠 o-ppa" (elder brother) (Hong, 2007). Therefore, future
research needs to aim for more diverse samples including a wider range of ages and
socioeconomic backgrounds.
Some may consider traditional spousal terms as mere linguistic symbols lost their original
meaning. However, continued use of such spousal terms, which are asymmetrical dependency
and hierarchical relationships, may unconsciously maintain traditional male-dominated and
male-centered values. To eliminate discrimination from language, it is necessary to break away
from the view of language as a mere communication tool unrelated to discrimination and to use
language with an awareness of the possibility that discriminatory ideas may be reflected in
language use.
Significant strides have been made in promoting gender equality over the years, but there are
still challenges. One of the reasons why the gender gap has not been easily bridged is the lack
of awareness among East Asians. Although this is a stark fact that should be taken extremely
seriously, few people are aware that China, Japan, and South Korea are countries with a large
gender gap. To change this situation, the time has come to realize gender-equal societies by
being well aware that historically East Asia has a social structure that makes it difficult to see
gender discrimination, questioning the traditional consciousness that has been hidden for a
long time, and taking concrete measures to close the gender gap. Language and gender studies
always provide valuable insights into such social issues.
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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol. 11, Issue 5, May-2024
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author extends her gratitude to Pado Kim and Gwangmyeong Jeong for coordinating the
online survey in Korea and verifying the use of the Korean language in the manuscript.
Additionally, the author acknowledges Dr. Kazuo Mori for his support during the manuscript
preparation.
Conflict of Interest Statement
The author declares there are no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this study.
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