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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 11, No. 2

Publication Date: February 25, 2024

DOI:10.14738/assrj.112.16500.

da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en

Igualdad’ Program. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on

Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program

Yuri Nascimento Paes da Costa

ORCID: 0000-0002-7662-3285

Graduate Program in Architecture and Urbanism,

University of Brasília, Federal District, BR

Carlos Henrique Magalhães de Lima

ORCID: 0000-0003-3004-404X

Graduate Program in Architecture and Urbanism,

University of Brasília, Federal District, BR

ABSTRACT

Social rights are not easily given as they are built through processes of struggle,

mostly led by organized collectives and social movements in situations of

vulnerability or imminent loss of rights and lives. The right to housing is included

in this category of social rights that needed to be achieved based on demands,

especially in Latin America. This article aims to reflect on public policies and gender

issues in Argentina, based on the analysis of the interministerial program ‘Habitar

en Igualdad’. To this end, we base our discussions on Cortés, Montaner and Muxí,

Rolnik, Kern, and on Judith Butler’s debates about body controls and the precarious

lives of the LGBTQIA+ population. The methodology adopted was descriptive,

according to Serra and to Gil. As a result, we found a difficulty in continuing public

policies dedicated to the LGBTQIA+ population, as well as an erasure of this

population group in housing policies, in the face of constant harassment from

neoliberal and far-right governments. Therefore, publicizing and encouraging

recent inclusive experiences of sexual dissent can be a further step in promoting

social rights.

Keywords: Social rights, LGBTQIA+ population, housing policies, Argentina.

INTRODUCTION

Social rights are not easily given. Historically, these are built through processes of struggle,

mostly led by organized collectives and social movements in situations of vulnerability or

imminent loss of rights and lives. The right to housing is included in this category of social rights

that needed to be achieved based on demands, especially in Latin America, which was marked

by violent processes of colonization and, more recently, by ideas that result in the

precariousness of social welfare public policies. In recent decades of the 21st century, the world

has seen the resurgence of far-right governments, as well as attacks on progressive, cultural,

scientific, and humanitarian agendas. In this context, groups in situations of social vulnerability

(women, Indigenous people, ‘quilombolas’, Black people, children, LGBTQIA+ population and

those who are homeless), defined as precarious lives [1] and as subordinate bodies [2], suffer

more severe processes of violence and deterioration in their lives.

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

Contrary to these far-right governments, in 2019, Argentina elected Alberto Fernández,

supported by progressive and traditional groups with social programs in the country. Despite

the unfavourable internal and external scenario, the Fernández government manages to

advance some public policies, especially those dedicated to the production of housing for

socially vulnerable groups. Among these policies, our object of study is an interministerial

program opened in 2019 and entitled ‘Habitar en Igualdad’, which aims to allocate housing,

urban interventions, in addition to training women and the LGBTQIA+ population in situations

of violence and vulnerability for new jobs.

Our interest in investigating the extent to which gender issues advance in public housing

policies in Argentina is due to the fact that it is a South American country, neighbouring Brazil

and with a political trajectory and the constitution of housing policies, to a certain degree,

similar to the Brazilian experience. However, despite the similarities, the current scenario of

national housing policies in Brazil has not found significant advances, especially for the

LGBTQIA+ population. With this objective, we seek to answer the questions: 1) What was the

context of recent decades which led to the advancement of gender issues in public housing

policies in Argentina? 2) What are the main actors and the main mechanisms responsible for

the functioning of ‘Habitar en Igualdad’? 3) How important is the inclusion of gender issues,

especially for the LGBTQIA+ population, in public housing policies?

We assume as a theoretical axis the understanding that city planning is not neutral [3] and that

it is directly connected with the process of financialization of the city and housing [4],

sponsored by neoliberalism which has the objective of reducing public spending and exempt

governments from investing in social welfare policies, but in practice it only increases the

precarious state of human life [1]. We also agree with the idea that urban decisions, projects

and plans are based on men, cis, heterosexual, white and middle and upper class [2], and that

the city and housing serve as a way of maintaining the configuration of a hegemonic and

totalizing social order of bodies, reinforcing power schemes that suppress dissident ways of

existing [5].

METHOD

In order to analyze the trajectories of public housing policies in Argentina between 2003 and

the most recent ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ program, the descriptive method will be used [6]. This

method aims to describe certain characteristics of populations and social phenomena such as

the level of service provided by public bodies in a community, the housing conditions of its

inhabitants and other social indices [6]. The descriptive method is also addressed in Research

in Architecture and Urbanism [7], which highlights the possibility of describing, understanding

and explaining public policy conjectures dedicated to the sphere of architecture and urbanism.

This work will also use the documentary method [6], since documents relating to the national

and interministerial housing plan entitled ‘Habitar en Igualdad’, initiated in 2021 by the

‘Ministerio de Desarrollo Territorial y Hábitat’ in conjunction with the ‘Ministerio de las

Mujeres, Géneros Y Diversidad’, both ministries under the administration of Alberto Fernández.

Still as a research procedure, we will have as a data source the bibliographical survey on the

themes of public housing policies and gender issues, especially more recent advances in the

debate [2], [3], [4], [5], and on debates about body controls and the precarious lives of the

LGBTQ+ population [8]. The aim is to go beyond the documentary analysis, already mentioned,

based on the theoretical foundation that supports the position of the authors of this text.

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Contemporary Gender Perspectives on Housing Policies

In April 1968, a week after the assassination of Martin Luther King - followed by a series of

popular uprisings - American President Lyndon Johnson sanctioned the new civil rights law

entitled ‘Civil Rights Act’ or ‘Fair Housing Act’. Complementing an earlier civil law from 1964,

the new law expressly prohibited discrimination by direct housing providers, such as landlords

and real estate companies, as well as other entities, such as municipalities, banks or other

lending institutions, and home insurance companies, against people for reasons of race or

colour, religion, gender, national origin, family situation or any type of disability.

Decades later, in 2020 and during the Covid-19 pandemic, the University of California in Los

Angeles (UCLA) in partnership with the Williams Institute produced a study entitled ‘LGBT

People and Housing Affordability, Discrimination and Homelessness’ [9], whose aim was to

analyze the challenges faced by the LGBTQIA+ population in accessing safe and affordable

housing in the United States. The study revealed that, in 2020, compared to non-LGBTQIA+

people, the American LGBTQIA+ population had higher rates of poverty, a greater number of

homeless people and lower numbers of real estate ownership.

Collecting data from the thirty-five states of the United States of America, the study points out

that same-sex couples and the trans population are less likely to be property owners (63.8%

compared to 75.1% for the heterosexual and cisgender population). The vulnerability of

homeless LGBTQIA+ people is also highlighted when between 20% and 45% of homeless young

people identify as LGBTQIA+, at least 2 to 4 times more than the estimated percentage of all

young people who identify as LGBTQIA+. The study also highlighted that LGBTQIA+ adults in

the United States of America are 15% more likely to be poor than heterosexual and cisgender

adults, and if intersectional estimates are made considering issues of race, these numbers are

even higher.

In contrast to these statistics, some American cities have implemented policies that seek to

mitigate situations of housing vulnerability for the LGBTQIA+ population. One of these

examples is the city of New York, which has several legal apparatuses to protect diversity of

gender and sexual orientation, and urban studies and diagnoses to form housing policies that

assist in processes of guaranteeing the right to housing for sexual minorities.

The New York City Human Rights Law [10] prohibits, for instance, any type of discrimination

in the city in the workplace, housing, and public accommodations. Another protective legal

apparatus is the creation of the New York City Human Rights Commission, a municipal agency

responsible for enforcing laws against any discrimination based on gender or sexual

orientation. Among its most important documents is the 2002 Guide to Enforcement of the Law

on Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity or Gender Expression [11]. In this document,

there is mention of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 and the 2020 United States Supreme Court

decision that stated that any form of discrimination based on gender or sexual orientation is

prohibited, with such discriminatory acts being classified as a federal crime. New York City is

also recognized for containing numerous non-governmental and non-profit organizations that

are dedicated to the issue of adequate housing for sexual minorities.

Its actions are varied and can provide studies, diagnoses and even medical, psychological and

financial assistance to sexual minorities in vulnerable situations. Among the most recent and

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

most impactful studies, we can mention the ‘Housing Plan for LGBTQ+ Communities’ study

launched in 2021 by the non-governmental organization ‘Citizens Housing Planning Council’

(CHPC). The CHPC study reports [12] that the reality of New York is similar to that mapped by

‘LGBT People and Housing Affordability, Discrimination and Homelessness’ [9], that is,

LGBTQIA+ communities face great housing instability in the city. However, the CHPC adds a

historical layer by reporting that much of the gentrification and vulnerable situation of sexual

minorities in New York was due to the boom in AIDS cases between the 1980s and 1990s, when

countless LGBTQIA+ individuals were deprived of their lives and prevented from passing

ownership of their properties to their partners and heirs.

The Housing Plan for LGBTQ+ Communities [12] begins the study by reviewing the history of

the LGBTQIA+ community in New York City, citing the population's civil rights achievements

during the Stonewall uprising. It maps the main neighbourhoods that were occupied by sexual

minorities, such as the urban enclaves in Chelsea and the West Village and highlights the

importance of preserving these communities for the city's memory and for more diverse

urbanism. The study also reports all existing housing programs in New York City that include

the LGBTQIA+ population, such as shelters, shelters, community centres, partnership programs

for the construction of temporary residences for sex workers and support houses for the

population living with HIV in a vulnerable situation. Thus, the study presents the state of the

art of all housing initiatives in the city and concludes that, despite the diverse range of housing

actions, the city still lacks broader-ranging policies.

CHPC also manages to map the main challenges for implementing a more comprehensive

housing policy in the city, such as: i) putting an end to state bureaucracy in access to social

housing, ii) funding for LGBTQIA+ scholars dedicated to the issue of housing, iii) preserving

LGBTQIA+ enclaves in the city, without gentrifying them, iv) zoning and land use legislation

that do not meet the diversity of family arrangements, v) constructing appropriate housing to

the elderly and young LGBTQIA+ population, vi) prioritizing location and sense of community

to empowerment and ownership of the LGBTQIA+ population, and vii) improving data

collection systems dedicated to the LGBTQIA+ population.

Another scenario of housing policies more concerned with gender issues is found in Spain

which, according to the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association of

Europe [13], was elected as the second-best country for LGBTQIA+ population living in Europe.

In recent decades, Spain has stood out in promoting quality for the LGBTQIA+ population and

other women. A large part of these achievements came from the great mortgage crisis of 2008,

when many inhabitants went into debt to acquire housing during the years of real estate boom

and were then unable to pay off their debts due to abusive contracts, the economic crisis and

the decrease in the power of purchase of salaries [4]. Through the ‘Rapporteurship for the Right

to Adequate Housing at the United Nations (UN)’ between 2008 and 2014, the effects of the

global financialization of housing were observed, when several reports of evictions,

demolitions, expropriations began to emerge around the world after the 2008 mortgage crisis

[4]. In 2015, several Spanish architects and urban planners, unhappy with the housing crisis,

began to dedicate themselves to political life and public service in search of novel solutions for

the situation [4]. It is in this context that architect Josep Maria Montaner took over the

Barcelona Housing Department in 2015 and that his wife, also an architect, Zaida Muxí, began

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working at the Santa Coloma de Gramenet city hall, under the management of mayor Núria

Parlón.

In 2021, the Municipal Plan for the Right to Housing was launched in Barcelona, with the main

objective of presenting guidelines and regulations to meet the needs of a plurality of

inhabitants, including the LGBTQIA+ population and other women. Even though the focus was

not exclusively on these two population groups, the plan represented a milestone and progress

for the housing policies of the city of Barcelona, as one of its main premises included general

guidelines that sought to guarantee the right to housing which is suitable for all people,

regardless of their gender identity and sexual orientation [3]. Barcelona’s Municipal Plan for

the Right to Housing provides mechanisms to guarantee accessible housing for LGBTQIA+

people and women in vulnerable situations with social housing projects, temporary shelters,

affordable housing, social rents, as well as encouraging mediations and rent adjustments. The

aim is to serve different age, income and vulnerability groups. The Plan also establishes

guidelines for preventing evictions, and protecting housing and neighbourhoods, the aim is to

prevent real estate speculation and the tourism industry from reducing the availability of

affordable housing or excessively increasing rental prices in the city.

Other elements also include the Barcelona Municipal Plan for the Right to Housing [3], such as

the addition of social housing units, rehabilitation of degraded areas or situations of decay,

greater financial support for housing projects in vulnerable communities and encouragement

of pluralism of housing typologies that are capable of meeting the diversity of gender identities

and sexual plurality (collective, shared, intergenerational housing, among others). Despite not

having specific housing policies that include sexual minorities, we can observe different

perspectives in other cities around the world. Berlin, for example, has been investing in

intergenerational social housing projects for the LGBTQIA+ population and women since 2002,

the most emblematic example is ‘Schwules Wohnprojektq’ also called ‘Lebensort Vielfalt’ [14],

a project that brings together LGBTQIA+ elderly people in situations of vulnerability,

abandonment and care, and young LGBTQIA+ population, women and refugees.

The project, upon its inauguration, already had a waiting list of two hundred residents. Over

the years, other social housing units were built in the city supported by the largest state-owned

construction company, ‘Wohnungsbaugesellschaft Berlin-Mitte’ (WBM). The most recent

launched in 2023, dedicated to lesbian women and the queer community in Berlin. The project

foresees, in addition to seventy apartments, which will include social housing and social rent

(at a rate of 6.90 euros per square meter), the construction of a queer cultural centre to

reinforce the community feeling and housing units adapted for queer elderly people and for

queer people with disabilities. In Vancouver, Canada, actions range from government housing

policy agencies, such as BC Housing [15], whose aim is to offer affordable housing for vulnerable

communities, as well as social rental programs and subsidies for women and the LGBTQIA+

population in vulnerable situation, to non-governmental organizations such as ‘RainCity

Housing and Qmunity Housing’, whose actions include resources and support related to

housing for the LGBTQ+ community in Vancouver [16].

Initial Approaches to Debates on Gender in Housing Policies in Latin America

In Latin America, gender perspectives in housing policies are in a difficult process of

consolidation and do not present a diversity of programs and typologies that cater to sexual

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

plurality. In recent decades, many national programs for financing or producing social housing

have placed women as a priority group with a view to establishing gender equality. However,

this model still reproduces a cisheteronormative logic that no longer serves the diversity of

gender identities and sexual orientations that contemporary times contemplate. Programs such

as ‘Programa Vivienda Digna for female heads of family’ in Mexico [17], ‘Mi Casa Ya’ in Colombia

[18], ‘Programa Nacional de Vivienda Social’ in Ecuador [19] and ‘Programa Minha Casa Minha

Vida’ in Brazil [20] have as their priority eligibility criteria women, cisgender women,

heterosexuals and mothers, leaving out other pluralities of women and other sexual minorities

(trans, intersex and non-binary women and men, for example).

In these countries, not only is there a reinforcement of the binary structure of gender, but there

is also an erasure of pluralities since the LGBTQIA+ population is not included in national

housing policies. Public policies that address this population segment focus, for the most part,

on issues of sexual health (combating STIs, especially HIV), public safety (combating

homophobia, lesbophobia and transphobia) and assistance and social services (program of

temporary shelters, eradicating hunger, combating and mitigating the use of narcotics), a legacy

of the 1980s and 1990s, during the peak of cases of death from AIDS, that the

cisheteronormative system tries to homogenize all LGBTQIA+ bodies within a single dimension.

Despite this context, in Brazil some local governments are making efforts through their State

and Municipal Housing Plans or through draft laws by state deputies and councillors, to expand

the list of priority groups that currently exist in ‘Minha Casa Minha Vida’, to include the

transvestite population, transsexuals and same-sex couples in the right to priority registration

in housing programs. This is the case of the State of Pernambuco, which in 2020 began to

guarantee LGBT family units the right to enrol in popular housing programs developed by the

State Executive Branch. Natal is another example of new perspectives as law No. 6,910 of 2019

[21] was sanctioned by the municipal authorities, guaranteeing the right of same-sex couples

to register as a priority group in the municipality's popular housing programs.

As of 2023, the city of Belém began joint efforts to include LGBTQIA+ family centres in ‘Minha

Casa Minha Vida’ [22]. In relation to the largest Brazilian housing policy, ‘Minha Casa Minha

Vida’, restored after the ‘Minha Casa Verde Amarela’ years, there was no evolution of more

specific guidelines that consider other pluralities of gender and sexuality. However, in May

2023, federal deputy Camila Jara, parliamentarian representing Mato Grosso do Sul, presented

Bill No. 2327/2023 [23], which aims to include couples in a stable union or same-sex marriage,

and the transvestite and transsexual population with the right to priority registration for all

government housing projects, including ‘Minha Casa Minha Vida’ [20]. The Bill is under

discussion in the National Congress and is currently the subject of analysis by the ‘Commission

on Human Rights, Minorities and Racial Equality’ of the National Congress, with no prediction

of any type of vote or progress yet.

Partial Conclusion: Collective Dimensions of the Policies

Thus, despite the resurgence of neoliberal policies in a global context, several entities,

collectives, associations and activists are starting to focus more efforts on promoting gender

and diversity issues within public policies. It is widely elaborated in the field of social

movement studies that reactions to the political field emerge in different contexts, whether in

the streets, in marches and protests; in collectives organized as residents’ associations; or in

institutional spaces [24]. The new “repertoires” of political action [25] and collectivization

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strategies within LGBTQIA+ social movements influenced domains of representative politics

and other deliberative spaces. In the academic field, debates have also expanded, contributing

to the construction of new ideas regarding housing policies.

The constant structural violence, promoted by governments and neoliberalism, can give rise to

resistance and new ways of living and relating to the world and others [8]. These contemporary

experiences can also be understood as a response to the docile spaces [5]. Architecture and

urbanism, as well as their policies, can contribute to the configuration of a hegemonic and

totalizing social order of bodies, which reinforce power schemes that suppress dissident ways

of existing under a cloak of neutrality and efficiency of public spending. Therefore, the existence

of these new incursions into the ways of living, concerned with the ethical-moral recognition of

the other [1] causes the discourse of rational, functionalist and cisheteronormative

homogenization of cities to be dismantled. It is in this context that we place the reference case

that will be discussed in the next topic.

Housing Policies in Argentina between 2003 and 2019

During the 1990s, most Latin American countries were hit by a serious economic crisis, mainly

due to external debt and high interest rates imposed on countries by Europe and the United

States, the main creditors at that time [26]. Latin American economies, within a neoliberal

context, are now perceived as out of control, with excessive spending on developmental state

policies and with a low capacity to resolve acquired credits [27]. In Argentina, neoliberal

reforms virulently removed the State's ability to provide social welfare policies throughout the

1990s [28]. Therefore, Argentina is experiencing a stagnation of public policies dedicated to

providing quality of life for its citizens, while trying to convince its creditors, especially the

United States, to adjust and balance its accounts. It is in this system of (dis)investment in public

policies that housing policies are also reformulated.

The ‘Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda’ (FONAVI), main housing production policy, began to have

its administration decentralized and weakened, while ‘Banco Hipotecário Nacional’, the main

coordinating body for real estate financing, was privatized in 1998 [29]. FONAVI's housing

production and Banco Hipotecário Nacional's financing were mostly intended for the middle

class rather than the low-income working class, their disarticulation and privatization during

the 1990s led to a stagnation in housing production in Argentina [30]. Thus, in compliance with

neoliberal guidelines, the Argentine State limited itself, as well as in other economic areas, to

simply ensuring that the market acted in the most efficient and profitable way possible, not

intervening in the process and regulating as little as possible.

Starting in 2003, with the election of Nestor Kirchner, public policies went through a historical

inflection point [30]. From this moment on, having identified the overwhelming consequences

of neoliberalism for the country's economy, the federal management led by Kirchner began a

process of resuming the country's development, positioning the State as a central agent in

decision-making, diverging from previous administrations that advocate for non-state

intervention in economic and social sectors. Thus, Argentina is undergoing a reactivation of

social welfare policies, new health programs, a new economic plan and a new structuring of

ministries. As a result, housing policies are also undergoing a recovery, since FONAVI, the main

instrument for production and financing of Argentine housing, was paralyzed by the drain on

investments and the severe economic crisis.

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

From 2003 onwards, successive federal plans became an attempt by the government to

respond to the social crisis in which the country was immersed after years of stagnation [30].

It was during this period that the Ministry of Federal Planning, Public Investment and Services

was created and, concomitantly, the Sub-Secretariat of Urban Development and Housing. Other

federal programs emerged from 2003 and 2004, such as the National Housing Emergency

Program, whose objective was to provide housing and basic infrastructure for families below

the poverty line and in vulnerable situations (people in emergency and marginalized

situations) [30]. Another program is the Housing Solidarity Program, similar in nature to the

Housing Emergency, although focused on certain areas of the country that have a higher rate of

poverty and housing urgency.

It is important to highlight that both the FONAVI reactivation plans and the new federal housing

plans innovated by introducing professional training and the generation of new jobs as

elements added to the new housing policies. Thus, at the same time that housing was created,

residents were also qualified, offering training in new trades in the construction, infrastructure

and sanitation sectors. It is also at this moment that women, heads of households, and other

sexual differences (trans and transvestite populations, for example) are included as priority

groups for the benefit of housing policies, facilitating their access to the right to housing and

recognizing gender as one of the elements to be observed in the production of housing policies.

It is important to specifically point out that the Housing Emergency Program was the result of

the involvement of several ministries in the country and that it also innovated to encourage the

meeting of heads of families in work cooperatives, with the aim of creating work fronts in the

face of the difficulty of generating of stable jobs for the most popular classes. These two factors:

interministerial involvement and cooperative associations are important points that will

reappear in 2021 in the implementation of the ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ program, when an

association of transsexual women from La Rioja petitions the federal government for housing

and professional training.

It is worth mentioning that in 2012 the Argentine ‘Bicentennial Credit Program for Single

Family Housing’ (Pro.Cre.Ar.) was created, through presidential decree 902/2012, as a

countercyclical policy to reactivate the economy and respond to the housing crisis in country

[31]. Pro.Cre.Ar. was developed to focus on the middle and middle/low-income classes, with

the creation of a trust fund with resources from the National Treasury and real estate

transferred to the national government, with the aim of facilitating access to housing and

generating employment [30]. The Program was created during Cristina Kirchner's second

government and stood out from other housing programs until then due to its territorial reach

and ability to adapt to diverse types of family profiles.

From 2015 onwards, Argentina's housing policies went through another moment of rupture,

when the Cambiemos coalition managed to elect the former mayor of Buenos Aires Mauricio

Macri to the presidency of the republic. Macri's administration entailed a break with the public

policies and management model of Kirchnerist governments with the aim of changing the

distribution of power in Argentine society [32]. Cambiemos was elected from a new moment of

neoliberal rise [33], defined as late neoliberalism [32], with arguments that the housing

programs of the Kirchnerist period did not have long-term thinking, that its policies were

tainted by corruption, cronyism and fiscal irresponsibility. Based on these premises, and with

a state apparatus mainly influenced by businesspeople and representatives of the financial

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market, the Macri government presented a new scheme for regulating beneficiaries of housing

programs.

However, it was clear that the policy paths implemented by the Macri administration failed to

achieve their objective [33]. The 2018 currency crisis, which raised living costs and reduced

consumers' purchasing power, combined with the Macri government's business profile focused

on medium and high-income social strata, worsened the country's economic situation. Thus,

the state's strategies for reducing social spending, fiscal austerity policies, privatization of

public services, and the efforts to deregulate and make working conditions more flexible, taken

up by Macri, exemplify how neoliberalism is the way capitalism finds to perpetuate

precariousness in human lives [1].

In this sense, the only objective pursued by Macri was to increase company profits and reduce

costs for the Argentine state, but in practice it ended up generating an increase in the

precariousness of the lives of various social groups in vulnerable situations. This

precariousness is exemplified in the data presented in research [34] which revealed that

despite Macri’s government's attempt, after popular pressure, in 2019 Argentina's housing

deficit affected 1 in every 3 families, with a need to build 1.5 million houses and 2.5 million

houses in precarious conditions.

The Kirchnerist administrations left a legacy of 1,150,083 housing solutions, including new

homes, renovations and financing from Pro.Cre.Ar. and Macri’s government invested

exclusively in mortgage policies, reduced the housing budget by 44.3% and completely emptied

other policies such as FONAVI and the ‘Action Program for the Construction of Social Housing’

[34].

Using data from the Municipal Ombudsman's Report, data from the public budget and fiscal

balance sheets made available by Macri’s administration itself in 2019/2020, research [34]

revealed that in addition to the emptying of housing policies, sanitation and infrastructure were

sectors that grew least within the public budget and were seriously hit by inflation. The increase

in the default rate on rent and mortgage financing was also revealed, demonstrating that the

policies employed by the Macri administration only benefited banks and did not produce

positive effects on resolving the housing issue. The thought is accompanied by research [35]

which points out that the impacts of Macri’s government housing policies were null and

resulted in an accumulation of mistakes that were unable to contribute to housing production,

only worsening the housing deficit and leaving a legacy of debtors who were unable to pay off

their mortgage debts.

‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program: Advances and Challenges in Promoting Diversity and the

Right to Housing

According to an analysis by a journalist and political scientist [36] of the first years of Alberto

Fernández's government, it faced a “triply complex” situation. Firstly, the difficulty encountered

by Fernández at the international level. Since the time of his election, his government was

surrounded by right-wing and extreme-right governments (Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia, Brazil and

the United States of America) [36], which made commercial agreements and transactions

difficult given the climate of political hostility.

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

The second factor mentioned [36] was the economic crisis inherited from the Macri

government, which failed in its economic plans and left a country in recession, more

impoverished (35.5%), inflation of 53.8% and devaluation of the Argentine peso by almost

550%. The third and final factor that hinders more progressive advances in the Fernández

government were internal political factors [36]. The Frente de Todos coalition which elected

him tried to bring together progressive forces against the advance of the extreme right in the

Argentine elections. However, since its beginning, it showed signs of difficulty in dialogue

between each other and with the electoral dispute won, internal disputes between Peronists

and other political sectors began to emerge and cause paralysis of the federal government's

forces.

In this regard, research by the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research of

Argentina (CONACETI) [35] highlights that the Macri government implemented an economic

process of late neoliberalism, with the release of the foreign exchange market, suppression of

subsidies for services and public policies, and uncontrolled growth of external debt. For

Fernández's management, it was left to implement a reform to resume the path of the previous

twelve years of Kirchnerist governments, however with financial difficulties, right-wing and

extreme-right governments, devaluation of national commodities, the covid-19 health crisis

and more recently the destabilization of the international market driven by the conflict

between Russia and Ukraine [35]. Influenced by the resumption of development, housing

policies are also going through a new phase under Alberto Fernández's government. The

institutional hierarchy and the variety of approaches and actors were the first highlights of his

government. The creation of the Ministry of Habitat and Housing as one of the government's

first measures signaled that one of its main bases would be tackling housing issues.

Decree no. 7/2019 that established the Ministry represented a milestone for the struggles for

the right to housing in Argentina, as it allows greater participation of popular sectors in the

organization of their housing and defends the socio-urban integration of popular

neighbourhoods, in addition to instruments for regularization soil and urban planning. The

decree expressly recognizes housing as a social right that must be implemented through

various national policies and through programs that meet the diversity of places and

individuals. In this regard, research [35] highlights that the decree also designated the Ministry

of Social Development as competent to promote decent housing for the Argentine population.

It is precisely an interministerial partnership between the ‘Ministerio del Desarrollo Territorial

y Hábitat’ and the ‘Ministerio de las Mujeres, Géneros y Diversidad’ that in 2021, through Joint

Resolution no 04/2021, the national housing program entitled ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ was

created, with the objective of promoting housing and urban development policies from a gender

perspective, aimed at women and the LGBTQIA+ community. In accordance with the general

guidelines (‘lineamentos generales’) of the Joint Resolution, the program aims to generate lines

of action that allow the inclusion, participation and training of women and the LGBTQIA+

population in processes linked to access to housing construction, as well as training of

associated trades and the generation of a more inclusive urban space [37].

The general guidelines also determine the specific objectives of the program: a) boost gender

and diversity perspectives in public policies for access to decent housing and in planning,

development and construction policies for urban and rural facilities, b) promote the

participation of women and the LGBTQIA+ population in the processes of design, planning,

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development and supervision/monitoring of public policies for access to decent housing, land

production and urban development, c) foster equality for women and the LGBTQIA+ population

both in access and improvements of housing, as well as the design and use of public space, d)

develop jointly between ministries, prioritization criteria for the allocation of housing that

particularly address the needs of people in situations of gender-based violence.

It is important to highlight that ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ arises from a scenario of implementation

of several programs focusing on women and the LGBTQIA+ population. Research [38]

attributes these advances to the promulgation of the Gender Identity Law [39] in 2012 as a

milestone for changes in legislation and public policies. Thus, Argentina is undergoing changes

to official State forms, which include new gender fields in addition to the male/female binary,

such as the mandatory establishment of training for public servants in matters of gender and

diversity (Law No. 27,499 of 2019), as well as the possibility of voluntary termination of

pregnancy for women and other people capable of carrying a child. Starting in 2020, new

programs such as ‘Programa Igualar’ [40] and ‘Programa Producir’ [41] establish guidelines for

gender equality and diversity at work and the development of economic independence policies

for women and LGBTQIA+ in situations of violence. On the other hand, the ‘Casa Propria’

program [42] created in 2022, complementing Habitar en Igualdad, launches preferential

financing quotas for women who suffer gender-based violence (3%), women heads of families

(20%) and diversities (3%), completing a progressive scenario in terms of public policies

dedicated to women and the LGBTQIA+ population.

Still on the ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ program, it is important to highlight that this is related to the

‘Plan Nacional de Partes Interesadas’ – PPPI [43] and the ‘Proyecto de Habitación y Suelo

Urbano’ – PHAYS [44], the first developed by the ‘Ministerio del Ambiente y Desarrollo

Sostenible’ and the second by the Ministerio del Desarrollo Territorial, both pursuing objectives

of the environmental and social framework of the World Bank (BIRD), which, according to its

own definition, intends to establish objectives for the eradication of extreme poverty among its

member countries. Among the PPPI [43] and PHAYS [44] subprograms, we find ‘Proyectos de

Fortalecimiento del Capital Social y Humano’ – PFCSyH [45] and the ‘Proyectos de Iniciativas

Comunitarias’ – PIC [45], which help finance ‘Habitar en Igualdad’, in addition to establishing

the hiring of interdisciplinary field teams, formation of participatory workshops, technical

assistance, training and community communication to strengthen the participation of women

and the LGBTQIA+ population for low-complexity works and for production processes of

participatory designs that take interests into account specific to this population group.

The first province to join the ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ program was La Rioja, located in northern

Argentina, as a result of the mobilization of transvestite and trans activists and the ‘Vamos a

Andar Foundation’, managed by deputy and activist Hilda “Beba” Aguirre. The deputy was

responsible for organizing for more than fifteen years the conquest of lots on the southern

outskirts of the capital of Rio de Janeiro for the ownership of the transvestite and trans

collective. However, it was only in 2021, through financial resources from the province and the

interministerial program ‘Habitar en Igualdad’, that the construction of twenty-five homes and

urbanization in a neighbourhood for the beneficiary public began. Currently, through

information from the ‘Vamos a Andar Foundation’, works in La Rioja are advanced and some

housing units have already been completed and inhabited. After decades of liberal policies with

an attempt to reduce the welfare state and costs by the government, after also the Macri

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da Costa, Y. N. P., & de Lima, C. H. M. (2024). National Housing Policies and Gender Issues: Reflections on Argentina’s ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ Program.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 11(2). 166-181.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.112.16500

government's recent foray into outdated neoliberal practices and, despite the external and

internal outlook unfavourable to Fernández’ government, ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ and its related

policies recognize the importance of making visible and destigmatizing sexual minorities,

especially the LGBTQIA+ population, through investment in housing, work and social inclusion

policies.

Investment in public policies that guarantee social rights to groups in vulnerable situations is

crucial for the formation of more just and egalitarian societies, since neoliberal policies are

responsible for perpetuating the state of precarious human lives [1]. In this sense, it is

important to identify otherness as an instrument of ethical-moral recognition of others,

especially those who live in precarious situations, only in this way can we allow the recognition

of the humanity of others and the construction of ethical and moral bonds with those who live

in precarious conditions.

For the LGBTQIA+ population, the formation of family centres and homes through communities

and affinities is an important form of resistance and strategy for their own precarious condition

[8], since for the LGBTQIA+ population to establish their life and family outside of the

cisheterosexual system can mean, in many cases, being exposed to threats to its own existence.

In this sense, in capitalism, human life is characterized by vulnerability and precariousness,

human life is constantly exposed to threats, such as extreme poverty, violence, discrimination,

forced displacement, lack of access to basic resources such as housing, food, health and

education [1].

Research recognizes the importance of responding to the limitations that cities homogeneously

designed for cis, heterosexual and white men exert on subordinate bodies (women, the elderly,

children, the LGBTQIA+ population and people with disabilities) [2], highlighting the need to

promote the collective ways that these groups created to protect themselves and experience

cities. These subordinate bodies constantly experience fear, which even translates into

geographical limits, whether in looks of harassment, violence and brutalization of dissident

bodies or segregation and racism [2].

Despite this cisheteronormative and violent scenario, it is important to engage and deepen the

debate on the experiences of vulnerable, marginalized and stigmatized groups, such as the

creation of the collective of trans and transvestites in the province of La Rioja who fought for

21 years for access to housing and who recently achieved through ‘Habitar en Igualdad’. Such

experience exemplifies the power of resistance that can be extracted from the state of mourning

perpetrated by the precarious condition of some human lives.

Public housing policies such as ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ can still represent a means of rescuing the

character of social welfare and safeguarding social rights, distorted by the financialization of

cities [4] that went through after the recent economic and real estate crises to see land as a

store of value and as a new frontier for capital. It is necessary to find ways to publicize,

implement and guarantee continuity of such public housing policies, since, in the capitalist

system, having a right of occupation does not necessarily mean having security of tenure, as

changes in political parties, economic crises reveal the potential for discretion and instability

of these rights, which can be suspended at any time without adequate reparations or

compensation.

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CONCLUSION

With the development of this work, we aim to outline reflections on public housing policies and

gender issues. To this end, we sought to base our discussion on researchers and authors from

different areas who spoke to some extent with our object of study, among others.

Thus, firstly, we discussed current housing policy scenarios and gender issues, introducing the

importance of the current debate in several countries around the world. Secondly, we outlined

a history of recent decades regarding housing policies in Argentina. The purpose was to create

a time frame that would explain the resumption of the progressive agenda and social welfare

in the housing policies of the current Fernández government, until reaching the main object of

study: the interministerial program ‘Habitar en Igualdad’, responsible for promoting housing,

public spaces and new jobs for women and the LGBTQIA+ population in situations of violence

and social vulnerability.

By analysing the trajectory of housing policies in Argentina from 2003 to 2023, we can observe

how social rights are never completely guaranteed, even more so in the face of the constant

harassment of neoliberalism and, more recently, the advance of the extreme right in several

governments around the world. world. Despite having a long history with housing policies for

vulnerable groups, such as low-income populations, only since 2019 has Argentina advanced

the debate from a gender perspective, especially women and the LGBTQIA+ population.

However, such advances will face a new setback given the already announced extinction, by the

new government elected in 2023, of the ministries of ‘Desarrollo Territorial and Mujeres,

Géneros y Diversidad’, responsible for creating and coordinating the ‘Habitar en Igualdad’

program. Even though ‘Habitar en Igualdad’ will probably have a short life, it is important to

publicize its advances and achievements and continue studying gender issues in public housing

policies, especially in Latin American countries that have a large contingent population lacking

housing and public social welfare policies. In this sense, the current public housing policy

responses in Latin America, based on cisheteronormative dogmas, no longer serve to

understand the complexity of the housing needs of its population.

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