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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 9, No. 9
Publication Date: September 25, 2022
DOI:10.14738/assrj.99.13153. Escudero, C. (2022). Children Playing Video Games During COVID-19 in Spain. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(9).
388-403.
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
Children Playing Video Games During COVID-19 in Spain
Carolina Escudero
University of Missouri, School of Journalism
Global Programs, United States
ABSTRACT
As has been verified, those who spend more time playing video games are children
and adolescents. The lockdown caused by the COVID-19 pandemic increased the
prolonged use of video games in this population. In this context it is possible to
observe some risks of this use, one of them the symptoms of gaming disorder (GD).
The objective of this study is to analyze video game habits and the possible impacts
on children - aged between 7 and 10 years – gaming for more than 4 hours daily
during confinement - the lockdown was announced on March 14, 2020 and lasted
approximately three months.- in Spain. Likewise, this study examines how families
have acted after the detection of possible dependencies. According to the (10)
families interviewed, the children have modified their routines, changed their
mood, their symbolic games and –some of them– developed a clear dependency on
the screen(s). Faced with this reality, the majority of the families created various
strategies in order to modify these new habits and reduce the exposition to video
games; others they decided to contact professionals to receive some assistance with
their children’s behavior. The lack of knowledge of families about the use of video
games is observed in three specific areas: first, knowing if it is an appropriate game
for their child's age; second, set time limits; finally in being able to evaluate the
dependency to the game. Based on the results, the study of video games in children
requires the development of broader, complex and coherent approaches that
focuses on the intra-family experience and parents’ skills to be with their children
in this context. In addition, approaches that include spaces for the effective
education of families about video games, including workshops and tools represent
a clear need that could be addressed from schools or related institutions.
Keywords: Video games; Spain; Children; Lockdown; Habits; Parents.
INTRODUCTION
There is evidence related to certain socio-family characteristics, as a factor that affects the
problematic use of video games (VDG) in boys, girls and young people. Specifically, prospective
studies such as that by Pentz et al. (2011) show that a low socioeconomic level may be
associated with greater use of VDG. Even in those households where both parents work or there
is weak supervision, a predisposition to problematic use of VDG in children is observed
(Abedini et al., 2012). This is also related to the availability of access and indiscriminate use of
technological devices, when these are inserted in the child's daily environments (Atkin et al.,
2013).
Different scholars pointed out that videogames are a set of simulations by way of pictures,
sounds and texts which set up a task for the user to perform (Traudt, 2005; McLean, & Griffiths,
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2013; Unsworth et al., 2015). Since its introduction, computer games have attracted children of
all ages and have become a popular leisure for them (Anderson & Warburton, 2012). Nowadays
games represent an integral part of today’s electronic culture (Baran, 2010; McLean, & Griffiths,
2013). The advent of the Internet and mobile phone has given them much impetus: contents
which features are continuously updated, and with mobile phones videogames now offer the
user much flexibility and mobility – a feature that have greatly enhanced their popularity
(Anderson & Warburton, 2012). The progressive incorporation of ICT (García-Álvarez, 2013;
Sandoval-Obando, 2018) and, particularly, the intrusion of video games (VDG), has been
exponential in recent years, where there is an increase in the number of hours that children
pass in front of the screens in parallel with a high degree of ignorance of families and the
educational community about the scope and impacts of these online games on children's health
and subjectivities (Buiza-Aguado et al., 2017; Newzoo, 2018).
The Interactive Software Federation of Europe (ISFE: 2014) study indicates that 85% of minors
between 6 and 15 years of age play video games (VDG) continuously in Europe, which shows
that the majority of minors plays video games regularly. In turn, the survey of Subjective Well- being in Students, carried out by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD, 2017) to second-grade students from 72 countries, reveals that 70% of boys and 27%
of the girls mention regular use of video games after completing their school day. This everyday
use is analyzed by Guerra et al. (2019) who point out that the age of initiation of internet use is
a relevant factor, since the earlier its use, the greater the frequency of its use in later ages
(García, Portillo, Romo and Benito, 2008), which amplifies the emergence of risky behaviors in
the future (Pérez, Hincapié and Arias-Cardona, 2018).
According to Lubrano et al., the 27% players are between 4 and 17 years of playing every day
in sessions lasting at least 60 min. A videogame session longer than 24 minutes sets off a
hypertensive response in nearly 42% of children, with blood pressure levels deemed
pathological by the international classifications and potentially dangerous for the child’s health
(Lubrano, 2018,411-412).
While in Spain, as in other countries, before the pandemic, children were already playing video
games, and they alternated the screens with outdoor games. However, due to the confinement
situation during the pandemic, the use of video games became a normalized leisure activity
(Shanley, 2020). VDG that can be divided into passive or classic ‒in so far as they involve the
use of visual-motor coordination to interact with the electronic device, requiring a low degree
of motor activity‒ and active ‒applications that allow the player to use partially or totally their
body from the stimuli that appear on a screen‒ (Moncada and Chacón, 2012). In this type of
active video game, the success or failure of the player depends on the dexterity and movement
in front of a camera or electronic device sensitive to movements (Foley & Maddison, 2010).
Playing video games is a leisure activity in Spain, and it has increased during the pandemic. For
example, “Among Us” has been the most downloaded game in the world during 2020, with more
than 50 million downloads (Queiruga, 2020). As with other games, the experience proposed by
this video game invites the player to enter a virtual world in which deep-rooted fears are
reflected and interactions in society are questioned. In “Among-us”, the kids are on a mission
to discover the impostor and survive, starting with the following challenge: “You and your
fellow astronauts are stuck in a rut and now you must either escape a dying space station or
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restore it to full working order. However, one of you is different from the others. While the rest
may want to save the station as quickly as possible, one of you (up to three players) has another
intention: to kill everyone trying to restore order” (entre-us.io, ND). Although the children
know that the station is not real, many behave as if it exists in reality and experience the feeling
of facing an impostor and the need to escape to survive.
According to O’Connor and Joffe (2013), there is explicit proof that children’s brains are affected
by early experiences that last into adulthood. In addition, media, including video games, affect
children’s development more than that of adults, because children have less-developed
knowledge structures and existing encoded cognitions (Saleem et al., 2012). Also, while
children are aware that the video games they play are not real, they still engage in non-real
behaviors (Johnson & Christie, 2009). The problematic use of VDGs can become a potentially
harmful activity for the mental health of children and young people (Chóliz and Marco, 2011),
which is evidenced in a sample of young Spanish people, with 621 participants, of which 52.7%,
were men and 47.3% were women. The authors found that 12 to 16-year-olds play more days
per week than 10 to 11-year-olds, and they spend much more time playing console games. In
turn, a cross-sectional study of American schoolchildren (n = 4691 children in grades 4 and 5)
found a relationship between periods of more than three hours a day of television exposure,
problematic use of VDGs, and drug use alcohol and hallucinogens (Armstrong, Bush & Jones,
2010). Likewise, it has been observed that VDG disorder is associated with certain
dysfunctional personality traits, such as impulsivity (Gentile et al., 2011), search for sensation
(Mehroof and Griffiths, 2010), low self-esteem (Lemmens et al., 2011) and neuroticism (Braun
et al., 2016).
Gentile, et al. (2014), who found that low social competence, decreased empathy and poor
emotional regulation operate as risk factors for problematic VDG use, while depression, anxiety,
social phobia and poor academic performance emerge as their consequences in boys, girls and
young people and this leads us to wonder what factors PEGI analyzes to classify the use of video
games in Europe and based on the results of this study evaluate a new protocol of analysis.
The use of VDG for 8-10 hours or more per day, accumulating 30 hours or more per week, would
be the predominant characteristic in subjects who develop the disorder due to VDG, with a
higher prevalence in men within an age range between 12 and 20 years, even when the
incidence of age in the prevalence of this disorder remains a controversial aspect (APA, 2013;
Paulus et al., 2018). Therefore, addictive behavior would be a compulsive behavior and
potentially harmful to physical and mental health, which would give way to the emergence of a
psychological withdrawal syndrome, in response to the prohibition of this behavior (Ferguson
et al., 2010; Kaptsis et al., 2016). This withdrawal has manifested itself in several children after
the return to the "new normal" post-pandemic. In this sense, some of the families consulted in
the exploratory interviews state that their children "did not want to go to the park, they just
wanted to be at home and play online. It was like living in hell" (F 5).
At the same time and following the suggestions of studies such as that of Echeburúa and De
Corral (2010), it must be taken into account that the addictive pattern of this behavior is not
due so much to the frequency with which the game is played, but to the type of relationship
established with and the negative impact it causes in different areas of life (Davis, 2001). It is
this relationship that children establish with the video game that we are interested in analyzing
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in order to understand its impact and move towards concrete actions. In this sense, Fuster et
al. (2012) propose a model of four motivations linked to the problematic use of VDG in young
people: (a) socialization (linkage mechanism to various peer groups), (b) exploration (interest
in deepening the central argument proposed by VDG ), (c) achievement (desire to achieve a
higher degree of validation, recognition and leadership in front of other players), and (d)
dissociation (use of the VDG as a source of escape from reality). In this way, the authors
identified a certain theoretical relationship between socialization and exploration with the use
of adapted VDG, as opposed to the connection between achievement and dissociation as a
conditioning factor for the emergence and development of a problematic or maladaptive game.
This internationality that videogames have been gaining also responds to the exponential
growth of their market: a multi-billion dollar industry that now far surpasses Hollywood in
revenues (Granic et al., 2014). According to a recent report by Newzoo, the global gaming
market will generate $159.3 billion in revenue in 2020. That would be 9.3 percent year-over- year growth. What's more, Newzoo (2018) projects the industry to surpass $200 billion in
revenue in 2023. Also, the biggest growth is in mobile gaming, with many internet cafes closed
during the pandemic and the accessibility to mobile devices growing. According to the study,
mobile gaming will account for $77.2 billion in revenue in 2020, an increase of 13.3 percent
from 2019 (Hallak, 2020).
That is why game developers, around the world, are competing to find ways to attract and keep
gamers to their products with video games that have the ability to provide pleasurable
experiences, motivating their players to be entertaining and immediately rewarding them
(Ryan et al., 2006).
The exposure of children to the so-called digital revolution (Dutta, Geiger & Lanvin, 2015)
brings with it emerging problems in the field of mental health that deserve to be explored.
Among them, the uncontrolled use of video games (VDG), described as an addictive behavior of
clinical relevance, still controversial, after its inclusion in the DSM-V (American Psychiatric
Association, 2013) and ICD-11 (WHO, 2018). In this context, there are studies that relate the
problematic use of technological devices with certain negative factors for people's health, such
as the deterioration of interpersonal relationships, sleep and eating disorders (González-Bueso
et al., 2018), impulsivity (Gentile et al., 2011), the development of low self-esteem (Lemmens,
et al., 2011), neuroticism (Braun et al., 2016), ADHD (Vukosavljevic- Gvozden et al., 2015),
anxiety and depression (Bonnaire and Baptista, 2019).
Extensive research shows that WHO has been collecting clinical information on drug addiction
behavior. Based on this systematization and the still controversial debate (Aarseth et al., 2017;
Lau et al., 2018), video game disorder (gaming disorder) is included in the ICD-11 (WHO, 2018),
and It is described as a continuous or recurring gambling pattern, in which three conditions are
met: (a) lack of control of gambling behavior regarding the start, frequency, intensity, duration
and context in which it is performed; (b) prioritizing the game over any other type of activity;
and (c) maintenance and escalation of the behavior, despite being aware of the negative
consequences they cause. This constellation of clinical criteria must be evidenced for at least a
12-month period. Despite this classification, the WHO ambassador for global strategy Ray
Chambers through his Twitter account published:
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“We’re at a crucial moment in defining outcomes of this pandemic. Games industry companies
have a global audience - we encourage all to #PlayApartTogether. More physical distancing +
other measures will help to flatten the curve + save lives.” (Flavius, 2020).
It is a complex issue whose interpretation and analysis of video games and population must be
carried out precisely since there are many factors that have an impact on the analysis that must
be taken into account. In this line, Aarseth et al. (2017) and Lau et al. (2018) point out that the
terms Internet addiction and pathological use of the Internet have been used diffusely, referring
to all kinds of activities in which information technologies are used The video game disorder
and communication (ICT), among them, the VDG. Therefore, it is difficult to clearly distinguish
the type of device used, the environment in which its use takes place (King and Delfabbro, 2013;
Starcevic and Aboujaoude, 2017), as well as differences by sex (González-Bueso et al., 2018).
Faced with this situation, a self-regulation initiative arises in Europe, an age classification
system called Pan European Game Information (PEGI). Its aim is to inform and help European
parents to learn about computer games and the suggested ages for their game. This initiative
promoted by the Interactive Software Federation of Europe (ISFE) and administered by the
Netherlands Institute for Classification of audiovisual Media (NICAM), in addition to having the
support of the main console manufacturers, Sony, Microsoft and Nintendo, as well as by
interactive game publishers and developers across Europe. It came into force in 2003 and the
great success was due to the fact that it was supported by more than thirty European countries
(Austria, Denmark, Hungary, Latvia, Norway, Slovenia, Belgium, Estonia, Iceland, Lithuania,
Poland, Spain, Bulgaria, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, Portugal, Sweden, Cyprus, France, Israel,
Malta, Romania, Switzerland, the Czech Republic, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, the Slovak
Republic and the United Kingdom).
The PEGI code shows on the part of the member countries a clear interest in protecting minors
and helping parents to know what games they should buy for their minors. In the specific case
of Spain, the PEGI code has been disseminated by the Spanish Association of Videogames Spain
(ADESE) and by the Ministry of Health and Consumption, as well as, by the Ombudsman for
Children.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Based on the reviewed studies, it is possible to state that some videogames content as has been
found objectionable and potentially harmful due to its glamourisation of violence as “Grand
Theft Auto V” (Kühn, Kugler, Schmalen, et al. 2019) and sex as “Mass Effect” (Borges-Lima,
2017).
The variety of games available is so diverse that some studies have tended to justify this fear
(Dietz, 2009; Traudt, 2005) while others have focused on the addictive effect of videogames
(Nash, 2015). Exposure to videogames by young people, especially children, has provoked some
uneasiness given the possible harm this could entail on their social development (Longe et al.,
2007; Okoye, 2011; Russell, 2016). Globally, it has been shown that while video games have
become a popular form of entertainment, concern has been raised about their possible effect
on users as suggested in different researches (Traudt, 2005; Peters, 2010; Dietz, 2009;
Anderson, 2002; Bartholow & Anderson, 2002).
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Authors such as Quwaider (2019) state that "The majority of studies conclude that there is a
relationship between the video games and the player's behavior”. In these studies, the
researchers conclude that the video games have an impact on the player personality, like
emotions, reflexes, behaviors, motivations, needs, thinking way and approach internal and
external situations.
“(...) Finally, from our point of view from all the existing research on this field, the impact of the
video games on the behavior and emotions of the players cannot be ignored. In addition, most
of the research that denied the existence of the impact of video games relies on a small number
of participants or weak evidence" (Quwaider et al., 2019, 581).
According to Nordby and Pfuhl “The scientific literature is scarce in regards to non-pathological
video-gamers, their procrastination and the effect of related reward mechanism in games. It is
possible that games in combination with a preference for immediate rewards can create the
“perfect storm”, with excessive gaming and procrastination as a result” (Nordby, Pfuhl, 2018,
2). Along these lines, Holtz and Appel (2011) specify that when VDG involves the interpretation
of a character, which is called role-playing, it becomes a predictor of isolation and anxiety in the
youngest, as confirmed by Van Patten, Weinstock and McGrath (2018); which reveals the
complexities associated with the use of these technologies in the current digital revolution.
There is a diversity of instruments, their psychometric validity and application in different
populations and contexts, is still a pending issue (Paulus et al., 2018). On the other hand, King
& Delfabro, (2013) mention certain characteristic behavior patterns in VDG disorder, among
which abstinence stands out when it is not possible to play online, As presented in this study,
the presence and mediation of parents represents an important aspect in studies of video games
in childhood.At an experimental level, the activation of specific brain circuits, the
mesocorticolimbic system, has been observed in young people with VDG disorder, similar to
that detected in people with drug addiction (Hoeft et al., 2008). However, the inclusion of this
disorder in DSM-V and ICD-11 still generates dissonance in some sectors of the social health
world. In this regard, Aarseth et al. (2017) state that their integration could have adverse
implications in the population, increasing the risk of overdiagnosis, as well as cases of false
positives in boys and girls. Despite this debate, authors such as Stockdale and Coyne, 2018 agree
on the need for future research to specify the course and evolution of addictive behavior to
VDGs, revealing the negative consequences they cause in the subject's health.
As presented in this study, the presence and mediation of parents represents an important
aspect in studies of video games in childhood. In this sense, different studies have shown that
parental mediation strategies (by way of guidance and regulation of child media use) has
proved effective in not only mitigating the negative impact of media on children’s social
development, but has been useful in harnessing its positive impact (Clarks, 2011; Padilla- Walker& Coyne, 2010; Austin et al., 2009).
In relation to international regulations for the protection of children against the impact of VDG,
the research by Díez Sánchez et al., (2013) studied the degree of knowledge of parents in
relation to the PEGI code and whether they were aware of the contents and ages when acquiring
a video game for their minors. The results show the ineffectiveness of the PEGI code in its target
audience, parents.
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According to Martínez-Pastor “The results indicated that only 9.9% knew about the existence
of the PEGI code compared to 90% who did not know it. Likewise, the symbols that indicate the
packaging of video games are not understood” (2015, 85). They only understood the symbol of
aggressiveness (with the fist) and that of sex (by the logos of the sexes). In summary, there are
several investigations (Chóliz and Marco, 2011; Lubrano et al., 2018; Kühn, Kugler, Schmalen,
et al. 2019) that point outs that it is necessary to deepen studies related to the effects of video
games on health of children and at the same time, and in parallel, the creation of new control /
classification protocols for video games is urgently needed so that they have a clear social and
preventive scope for families, tutors and educational centers. The latter is a secondary aspect
on which this research will focus, hoping to provide new guidelines for the creation of
preventive protocols based on its preliminary results.
METHODS AND MATERIALS
Our study is based on consulting families whose children play massively multiplayer online
role-playing games (MMORPGs). Massively Multiplayer refers to the massive participation of
players that can reach millions of users per game, while Role Playing refers to the fact that the
player assumes the role of a fantasy avatar in the game; the player is responsible for the acts of
his avatar and interacts with other players in the game (VanFossen et al., 2008; Yee, 2006 in
Sourmelis et al., 2017, 42).
Researches on Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPGs) by Anderson
(2010) and recently by Sourmelis et al., (2017) address current challenges, the latter
concluding that “a strong body of evidence suggests that MMORPGs they are spaces in which a
variety of 21st century skills can be nurtured. However, the majority of MMORPG research is
focused on investigating communication skill (22% of skills tested), while creativity and
innovation, as well as problem solving and information literacy, are largely unexplored in this
context (2017, 41).
According to Carbonell (2014), on these platforms the player faces different characters and
levels of difficulty, having to execute various missions, according to the central argument of the
VDG, hence its open nature. During the development of the game, the participants acquire
prizes and incentives, which increase interest and dependence. MMORPGs meet operating
conditions and criteria that validate and normalize dysfunctional behavior. For the case of our
analysis we have taken into account the following aspects: (a) absolute impunity for the actions
carried out in the game; (b) validation and normalization of risk behaviors; (c) all behaviors,
whether good or bad, have a reward, which makes little sense in today's real life (Di Blasi et al.,
2019).
While Di Blasi focuses on behaviors during play, other researchers have also studied the kinds
of skills needed to succeed in the ever changing digital world (Spiers, 2008; Voogt & Roblin,
2010), whilst different research groups have developed different frameworks to describe this
skillset (eg EU - Eurlex.europa.eu, 2014; USA - The Partnership for Twenty-first century skills -
p21.org, 2016; Assessment & Teaching of 21st Century Skills - atc21s.org, KSAVE 21st Century
Skills (Binkley et al. 2012).
This study seeks to know how it was for children to play video games during the pandemic,
delving into various subjective aspects to better understand their possible impacts: how they
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became interested in playing; whether or not the game preferences have changed; if he
symbolically reproduces the strategies of the game in his life (behavior) or if his interest in the
game has led him to stop doing other things (dependence). For this analysis, the theory of social
cognitive learning (Saleem et. al 2012) will be taken as a reference, which establishes that
interaction with scripts, such as video games, tends to have long-term effects on children. These
effects are represented by the development of changes in precognitive, and cognitive constructs
(perceptions and beliefs), cognitive emotional constructs (attitudes and stereotypes), and
affective traits such as conditioned emotional responses, empathy, and trait hostility. Saleem
et. al (2012), discuss that video games with prosocial content increase helpful behavior and
decrease hurtful behaviors, while video games with violent content increase hurtful behavior
and decrease helpful behaviors.
In this qualitative study, the main objective was to know the impact of video game consumption
has on children and their families. For this, the population sample was based on the following
criteria: families with children between the ages of 7 and 10, who during the pandemic had
exposure to video games for more than four hours a day (including weekends) and who at that
time resided in Spain. The information related to this population was collected through
unstructured interviews (Rodríguez et al., 1996; Vallés, 1997; Johnson, Christensen, 2004)
conducted with 10 families (consulting mothers, fathers, as well as tutors).
In addition, the unstructured interview method was selected because of its compatibility with
the research topic. The use of open-ended questions allows them to be modified according to
the specifics of each interview, which allows the interviews to resemble a natural conversation
while the interviewer retains his guiding function (McLeod, 2014).
The data collected in the interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis (Lincoln & Guba,
1985; Denzin, 1989; Patton, 2002; Hsieh & Shannon, 2005; Schilling, 2006; Ritchie, et al.,
2013), an inductive qualitative method with an exploratory, descriptive orientation and based
on the content expressed by the interviewees. This method was used to build the analysis
indicators and connect these patterns with concepts and categories observed in the reviewed
literature. The thematic analysis was also useful to find and compare thematic axes that are
observed as transversal in the different interviews.
Following the approach of Braun and Clarke (2006, 2019), the data analysis process described
in this article included the following steps: familiarization with the data; generation of initial
codes, thematic search, revision of themes, definition and name of the themes, preparation of
reports. Following the data analysis manuals, the first step in familiarizing ourselves with the
data involved conducting and transcribing the interviews by the researchers themselves. The
next steps of the analysis integrate both inductive and deductive coding (Crabtree & Miller,
1999). For this we have turned to Joffe and Boyatzis adopting a theory-based, deductive coding
approach in which someone else's theoretical framework is applied to develop the codebook as
long as a good thematic code describes the bulk of the data (Joffe , 2012, 226), while capturing
the qualitative richness of the phenomenon (Boyatzis, 1998, 31). In this way, according to
Schamber (2000), the combination of inductive and deductive coding reflects a balanced and
complete view of the data, instead of relying solely on the frequency of codes decontextualized
from their context.
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After familiarization with the data and developing the codes, the next step was to search for
themes, as it is understood that by identifying broader patterns of shared meaning in the data
set, the coded data can be developed into a topic to illuminate the research question (Charmaz,
2001). Good themes have to work together and form a coherent analytic story, which is why
some codes and themes were discarded at this stage (Clarke & Braun, 2014). This step ends
with a set of themes and the positioning of the researchers in relation to the themes. At this
point, and following Clarke & Braun (2014), the themes are reviewed, which implies two levels
of verification, on the one hand, it is about establishing whether the themes combine the
essence of the coded data in relation to the research question; on the other hand, it is verified
if the selected themes worked for the entire set of data. Once verified, each topic is defined and
named and the final phase is reached: preparation of the report. At this time, in addition to
selecting excerpts from the stories of the interviewees, they are interpreted by the research
team. In this sense, and following Tuckett (2005), the literature consulted is reviewed again, in
order to compare the evidence examined and report the results. The final text is the product of
a prolonged immersion in the data, and the reflection of the research team (Braun & Clarke,
2019).
For the purposes of this presentation and in order to maintain the anonymity of the families
consulted in this study, we will use the following coding to account for their experiences: Family
1 (F1), Family 2 (F2) and the same with the rest of the families.
DISCUSSION
Based on the studies reviewed and the analysis of the interviews, it is possible to find a certain
tension in the role assumed by parents, health professionals and teachers in the identification
of those warning signs that boys and girls show certain difficulties as a consequence of the
indiscriminate and uncontrolled use of VDG during the pandemic. Difficulties that are still
difficult to face, due to the lack of protocols and regulations at the clinical and educational level
on this phenomenon. In relation to the above, authors such as Rojas (2008) as well as Aarseth
et al. (2017), pointed out the need to: (a) regulate the use of these devices in proportion to the
chronological stage in which the individual is; and (b) from schools to promote safe and
responsible use of the Internet, to inform families about the games and their content observed
by children to contribute to the proper regulation and monitoring of possible impacts on
children. In this sense and according to the experience reported by Family 1 (F1):
“our son was 7 years old and he told us that his friends at school had downloaded that game,
that he was the only one who didn't have it. When the class started in Zoom, it is true that the
boys talked about some games because they played online. So, we trust that the rest of the
families knew about the subject, we downloaded it. We didn't do a search about what it was
like, what was going on...it was a mistake.”
On the other hand, Family 2 (F2) shares that their experience with VDG was progressive. Their
daughter began to play and according to the parents:
“(...) we saw her excited, even motivated. However, it got out of hand. Suddenly all the drawings
she made were of the video game character; if she talked to one of her friends it was about that
game.”(Personal communication, F2).
For the F3 family, it was through the older brother, a 14-year-old teenager, that video games
took over the family routine during the pandemic. For the teenager, this was a way to get
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together and play with his friends and this led our 9-year-old son to want to play as many hours
as his brother.
“It was more difficult to reduce the hours of screen time for the little one than for the teenager.
After the lockdown he didn't even want to go back to his soccer classes, he preferred to stay
playing. After trying to control the situation without success, we decided to make an
appointment with a psychologist. Because if he didn't play he asked to see a Youtuber talking
about the game. He did not show interest in playing with other toys or classis table games; for
him that was the worst plan. It was hard, but we have learned something.” (Personal
communication, F3).
On the other hand, F4 comments that her 8-year-old son used to play before the pandemic, but
during the lockdown period, once he finished doing his homework, he would go online and start
playing without a notion of time.
“I couldn't tell you how it happened, but one day we downloaded the game. We were connected
to our jobs from our laptops, so we saw him busy and that allowed us to continue working.
When the pandemic ended, we went had dinner at a friend's house and they asked us if we were
aware of the games our son was playing because they had noticed him more aggressive, or
rather, his vocabulary had changed.... Phrases like “You are the impostor, I do not trust you!...I
will kill you” So we decided to take this game off. Of course he has other games and now before
downloading a new game we inform ourselves about the topic, characters...Basically we take
into consideration how aggressive can be the game and how easy a child can be influenced”
(Personal communication, F4).
What is stated by F4 is reflected in various studies, we highlight the one by Saleem et al.,(2012),
the authors discuss that video games with prosocial content increase helpful behavior and
decrease hurtful behaviors, while video games with violent content increase hurtful behavior
and decrease helpful behaviors. Also, Zhang et al., (2021) in their study confirms how exposing
children to a violent video game increased aggressive cognition and aggressive behavior.
In the case of the F5, parents of two children (7 and 9 years old) remember the social pressure:
“Everyone has it, everyone has downloaded it, that's what our children told us... We seemed like
the worst parents in the world; and in a context of a pandemic, where we couldn't offer them
many other things either being locked up in an apartment in the middle of the city” (Personal
communication, F5).
According to family F5 their children played 4, or a maximum of 5 hours during a weekend; in
their case, the alerts began to appear, noting that:
“(...) we noticed that this was not good for them when the youngest began to have nightmares
and they were related to one of the games. He would scream or wake up crying and go to our
bed and tell us that he was locked up in that ship and that he couldn't get out and someone will
kill him (...). We decided to change strategy. It was not easy at all because the pandemic
continued. We downloaded other (friendly) games, it forced us to study a little about what
certain games are about. We also adopted a kitten from one of our neighbors, this caring for a
pet made them pay attention to something else: what do they cats eat? What about their tail
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position?, etc. Let's say that adopting a pet was like a therapy that helped us to change the
dynamics at home and the type of games" (Personal communication, F5).
In the case of the F6, the use of video games in their 8-year-old son took them by surprise: “Our
son played, of course, but a maximum of two hours a day. We thought we had it under control.
But during the early morning my wife went to the bathroom and saw a light in our son's room.
We discovered that he played at night, secretly. We detected that he could spend up to 3 hours
covered by the sheets to cover the light of his tablet!” (Personal communication, F6). For family
6, the best way to address the issue was to consult a professional.
For the F7, the use of VDG during the lockdown had certain consequences, they noticed the
changes: “our 9-year-old daughter counted the minutes to be able to connect and play. Normal,
with everything that was going on. When we asked her to disconnect her answer was: ‘not now
that I'm winning!, wait a bit!’ And so we stretched out time. On many occasions she cried, she
got frustrated when we took the tablet away from her. Everything was exceptional. Later, when
she went back to her activities, the videogames hours were reduced, we did not observe any
dependency” "(Personal communication, F7).
The F8, like the F6, discovered that his 10-year-old son was connected at dawn: “Our son ended
up confessing to us that he set the alarm on his watch to vibrate to get up at 3 in the morning
and play. We get very angry with him. We talked to the educational psychologist at his school
and he gave us some tips for better follow-up. We hadn't realized how reliant it was on games.
" (Personal communication, F8).
The F9 reminds the changes in schedules and routines:
“Our daughter used to play in the afternoons, she used to connect by 3pm. I noticed that when
it was snack time she wasn't even interested in eating. She wanted to keep playing. When we
proposed to do a puzzle or another game, she refused. We noticed that she started to get closer
to those girls who were also playing because they talked about their avatars and the game in
general. Reducing her VDG and connection hours was a problem. She cried, she locked herself
in her room. Sometimes we disconnected the modem at home. I can't say exactly when she
became dependent, it was in a short time, and taking her away from it was much longer,
arduous. I think we succeeded, we looked for recommendations on the web, we talked to other
parents” (Personal communication, F9).
The case of the F10 also denotes family interest and concern:
“When our son downloaded that famous game, what I didn't like was the background music. It
looked like something out of a horror movie. But if all his friends had it, it was because his
parents agreed, I thought. I looked at the information regarding the game, the age label of the
European Union, and it was validated for my son's age, at that time he was 8 years old”
(Personal communication, F10).
Family 10 contacted other families from the school to find out if they agreed with this game and
its vocabulary: “To our surprise, very few family members knew what the game was about.
Neither had heard the music, nor the role of the characters. This confirmed for me that the fact
that ‘everyone has it’ does not mean that it is so good” (Personal communication, F10).
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In accordance with what was stated by Martínez-Pastor (2015) about the great ignorance of
some families about the PEGI labels, it is observed that the F3 and F10 resorted to the label that
specifies from what age the game is suitable, since they noticed traits that worried them, not
before. “This indicates that the functionality of this PEGI code does not reach parents correctly
and that its symbology is unclear and adapted to users. This collides head-on with the attempts
of the Administrations and the industry to make this market more transparent and protect
minors” (Martínez-Pastor 2015, 85).
CONCLUSIONS
Reviewing the experiences reported by the families that participated in this study and taking
into account the literature consulted, we can affirm that we are facing a changing panorama, in
which the experience of boys and girls through the use of video games is transforming not only
the way in which they interact within the mediated situations that these games propose, but
also, in many cases, this immersion can sometimes cause them difficulties in adapting to the
environment, connecting with other points of interest. Attitudes such as increased
aggressiveness, loss of boundaries, low ability to disconnect, non-acceptance of unmediated
routines, or rejection of connection with other children of their age outside of screens, mean
that we must pay more attention to the behavior of this population once they start using this
type of video game. In fact, the use of VDG can hide other problems, which could be affecting
the subject at an interpersonal, emotional, cognitive, family or social level, as suggested by
Jubany (2017) and Martín-Fernández et al. (2017).
Although the studies reviewed indicate that in these situations, it is advisable to supervise the
interaction of children with these devices, parents and tutors must have or incorporate tools in
order to help children be able to differentiate between the real world and the fantasy world,
especially when they are in exceptional circumstances such as the pandemic and exposed to
games related to: violence, risk behaviors and competition. The creation of a “support protocol”
for parents should introduce general guidelines disclosed as follows: how to analyze the
characters of the game, where to verify if it is recommended for the ages and personalities of
their children, where to find information online about certain games, ways to agree time limits,
advice to assess whether there is a progressive dependency of their children on a video game.
Even if this study was conducted during the lockdown period caused by the COVID-19
pandemic, what families have expressed -such as the need to know more about video games
and how to decide if it is beneficial or not for their children - continues to be a current need.
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