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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 9, No. 8
Publication Date: August 25, 2022
DOI:10.14738/assrj.98.12908. Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation
(CDC) Lands Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon
Development Corporation (CDC) Lands Restitution Process in
Fako Division: 2014-2021
Jonas Menyoli Matute
Department of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Buea, Cameroon
Kingsley Lyonga Ngange
Department of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Buea, Cameroon
Stephen Mokondo Moki
Department of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Buea, Cameroon
ABSTRACT
Media’s roles in exposing corruption is itemised in the CDC land restitution process
in Fako Division of Cameroon, captioned as “The Land Grabbing Saga in Fako
Division” by newspapers. Journalism in general and investigative reporting in
particular, play a critical role in raising consciousness of and fighting against
corruption. It is one of the most effective means of raising public consciousness
about corruption. It is in this light that the researchers set out to investigate the
actual role played by the media in reporting corruption in the CDC land restitution
process. Two qualitative research methods were used to gather data. The first
method, the qualitative content analysis, examined contents of four editions of
CRTV Buea Press Club radio programme and also exploited contents of some
newspapers and online media platforms on corruption in the CDC land restitution
process. The second research method, in-depth interview, was used to gather data
from some elites of Fako Division, members of the affected villages, journalists who
reported on the corruption, some accused persons and CDC officials to ascertain
media’s role in exposing corruption. The data reveal that the media played three
roles in exposing corruption in the CDC land restitution process: giving information
and creating awareness; public education; and prompting peers (other journalists)
to also report on corruption. The elites and members of the affected communities
attested that some of them were not aware of any corrupt practices until they heard
about it on CRTV Buea Press Club and later followed it on newspapers and online
media platforms. Findings also show that media investigative reports corroborated
evidence to establish the occurrence of corruption in the restitution process. The
media exposed this issue by naming and shaming those involved in the corruption
(publishing their names and pictures). Amongst other things, this study
recommends that the media should be considered as an important tool in the fight
against corruption; those interested in exposing corruption in the media should be
involved in investigative journalism that will enable them back their reports with
documented evidence since corruption is a complex crime. Also, people in public
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Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) Lands
Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.98.12908
offices should be compelled by law to make available information that is of public
interest and good to journalists to enable them expose societal ills (like corruption),
especially in public offices and spheres.
Key words: Media, roles, CDC, Corruption, lands restitution process, surrendered lands,
Fako Division.
INTRODUCTION
Land grabbing is a worldwide phenomenon that has always threatened peace in several
communities in the world. The Land Matrix Partnership, an International Non-Governmental
Organisation (INGO), estimated that some 227 million hectares of land have been grabbed
worldwide since 2001, with 70% of this being in Sub-Saharan Africa (Ntaryika, 2013). As part
of a trend that is escalating across Africa, Cameroon has been described in Caiffa (2016), as one
of the African countries most exposed to land-grabbing. Ciaffa (2016) cited the case between
local communities in the South West Region of Cameroon and a US multinational known as
Herakles Farms, which intended to clear thousands of hectares of rainforest to create a palm oil
plantation that led to tension. This incident saw 244 farmers filing two court complaints and an
international petition calling on the Cameroon government to halt the project.
Land crisis in Fako Division,Cameroon, is even more complicated. Eno and Fombe (2016) opine
that the availability of surrendered land by the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) has
enormously facilitated the development of Fako Division. What the CDC failed to mention is that
behind, the said development, there are lots of contestations from the indigenous population
who believe they are being deprived of their rights regarding the distribution of these lands.
The CDC lands restitution process has resulted in court cases filed against traditional rulers and
elites whom some Bakweri communities accuse of working with administrative authorities to
short-change and dispossess them of the said land. Based on persistent complaints from
indigenes of Fako Division against some of their traditional rulers and administrative officials,
the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) opened investigation on this matter in 2014.
The government has signed different ministerial decisions suspending CDC land restitution.
The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), better known by its French acronym,
CONAC, the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms as well as Civil Societies
Organisations, etc., are government agencies that publish reports yearly on their contributions
in the fight against corruption. On the other hand, there is a paucity of reports in Cameroon on
what the media is doing to also fight corruption. Such reports can only be established using
research. It is against this background that this study investigates some selected media content
that mentioned corruption in the CDC land restitution process and also interviewed some elites
of Fako Division, members of the affected villages, journalists, some accused persons and CDC
officials with the objective to examine the role the media has played in exposing corruption in
the CDC land restitution process.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Background to CDC land in Fako Division and the restitution process
The indigenous people of Fako Division are the Bakweris. Lemoigne (2010), maintained that
soil fertility in Fako Division due to the Mount Cameroon volcano has been an attractive factor
to a diversity of population for centuries. The fertility of the soil in this division also attracted
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the Germans as early as 1894. The Germans forcefully occupied the lands against the wish of
the indigenous people of this area by establishing large plantations in 1896 after occupying as
much land as possible hence, leaving the indigenous population almost landless(African
Unification Front, 1898 ;Bederman, 1968). Bederman (1968) added that the Germans seized
over400 square miles of the most fertile land that belonged to the Bakweris without any
financial compensation. The German rule ended in 1916 after the First World War. In the years
following, the British occupied the Western while the French occupied the Eastern part of the
then Kamerun as mandated territories of the League of Nations. This Western part was jointly
administered as part of Nigeria by the British. Another World War erupted (Second World
War), and at the end of this war in 1945, British Cameroons became a United Nation Trust
Territory. Before this period, there was increase awareness amongst the natives on how they
have been dispossessed of their lands.
The natives (Bakweris) demanded for the German seized lands in Fako Division to be
appropriated to them, yet, Africa Front (2005), stated that no serious attempt was made to this
respect. The birth of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) followed an Ex-enemy
Land Ordinance No. 38 of 1946, from the Nigerian Government empowering the governor to
purchase land in Cameroon previously owned by the Germans and companies, which the British
had seized during the war. As explained by Bederman (1968), it is the second Ordinance No. 39
dated 1946 that directly saw the creation of CDC on a certificate of occupancy for sixty years
during which period, the lands were expected to be developed to benefit all people. Ndeh
(2016), saw the creation of CDC as the indigenisation of colonial plantations.According to
Bederman (1968), the creation of CDC came as a shock to the Bakweri Land Committee as they
were unaware of this plan by the British to transform the plantations into the CDC. Bederman
(1968), explained that though the BLC quickly expressed their resentment, it was nevertheless
difficult for them to disagree with the decision taken to create the CDC because some
arrangements were made that the local people would take increasingly active part in the
running of the corporation in future years and that the plantations will not merely be for private
gain but for the common benefit of the inhabitants of the territory as a whole.
Also, by the deed of surrender, the CDC surrendered all its rights, titles and interest under the
previous certificate of occupancy to the Bakweris. By this same deed, the government of
Southern Cameroon agreed to lease the CDC all lands for a period of ninety-nine-years and this
took effect from January 1, 1960. These rights according to Eno and Fombe (2016), were
surrendered to the government of West Cameroon and both CDC and the government were
required to surrender the lands at the end of the lease (99 years) to the legitimate owners who
are the natives (Bakweris). The CDC was handed to the Federal Republic of Cameroon
government in 1961 when the colonial masters departed. This plantation has since then been
managed as a parastatal company owned by the state of Cameroon. In 2002, the indigenous
inhabitants of Fako Division took steps to reclaim their ancestral land the plantations occupied.
Precisely in October of 2002, Kofele-Kale (2007), noted that the Bakweri Land Claims
Committee (BLCC) brought in litigations against the State of Cameroon before the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights for violations of various provisions of the African
Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights 12 (hereinafter "Banjul Charter"). Bakweri Land Claims
Committee did this litigation on behalf of the traditional rulers, notables and elites of the
indigenous minority Bakweri peoples of Cameroon.
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Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) Lands
Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.98.12908
Kofele-Kale (2007), noted that their claims were more specifically that the State of Cameroon
had violated Bakweri rights over ancestral land occupied by a State-owned agro-industrial
corporation, the CDC. The BLCC therefore, according to Kofele-Kale (2007), sought a
declaration from the Commission to the effect that the lands occupied by the CDC are private
property as defined in positive law 13 belonging to the Bakweri; the Bakweri be fully involved
in the CDC privatisation negotiations to ensure that their interests are effectively protected
following the privatisation of this corporation; the ground rents owed the Bakweri people
dating back to 1947 be paid to a Bakweri Land Trust Fund for the benefit of the dispossessed
indigenes; the Bakweri acting jointly and severally be allocated a specific percentage of shares
in eachof the privatised companies; and that, BLCC be represented in the current and all future
policy and management boards, as was the case in colonial times.
It should be noted that the BLCC was provoked to bring litigation against the State of Cameroon
after the Presidential decree of July 1994 announcing the privatisation of CDC (Kofele-Kale,
2007). However, according to Tande (2006) and Ndienla (2009), cited in Alden (2011), the
commission in 2006 found against Cameroon’s government on almost all counts but fell short
of demanding remedy. Instead, it referred the matter to mediation as the next phase and
recommended that the government and the BLCC settle the matter amicably. At the same time,
its findings observed that the BLCC had presented a strong historical claim and had also
presented compelling evidence with respect to the lack of independence of the judiciary. The
commission’s findings were only published in 2009, following endorsement by the African
Union. Ngongi (2013), explained that, after the appearing at the African Union Court in Banjul
to answer the case against the Bakweri Lands Claim Committee (BLCC), the State of Cameroon
decided to each time surrender land to Fako villages needing expansion. The only document
guiding the restitution or surrendering of CDC lands to the Bakweri people is Ministerial Order
No.000097/2.5/MINUH/D200 of 3rd of March 2003, to lay down procedures to process
applications to surrender State lands exploited by Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC).
Notwithstanding, the restitution process has been challengedand some Bakweri chiefs and
elites accused of conniving with some members of the administration and land officials to short- change the procedure.
Corruption and anti-corruption initiatives in Cameroon
Akombi (2009) described corruption as an endemic practice in Cameroon. This especially after
being accorded first place twice (1998 and 1999) as the most corrupt country in the world by
Transparency InternationalCorruption index (Bechem,2018).Though Nwel (1999), stated that
corruption is not specific to Cameroon, he argued that the need to examine corruption in this
country is crucial.
While examining the causes of corruption in Cameroon, Nwel (1999), stated that, there is a
general moral decay and deterioration in the country, which has led to a negative climate,
deplorable salary situation, love for easy money and the State’s monopoly of the audio-visual
media. For example, Nwel (1999), explained that:
“At CRTV, coverage, interviews and other invitations (debates, show biz, and concerts) are sold
in the same way as SONEL, SNEC and Telecommunications workers sell their services in private
to potential clients and to subscribers. If you do not want to pay into private pockets, then you
will not be served or you might get disconnected without any hope of a rapid and free
reestablishment.”
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The example stated by Nwel (1999) above is one of the ways corruption manifests in
Cameroon’s public sector, where there is the violation of the obligations of probity, fidelity and
impartiality in the exercise of a public service to the detriment of the user. Individuals request
to be compensated to perform their duties either with money, gifts, promises or presents,
otherwise refuse to carry out such function.In this light, this study considers any form of
compensation that state officials involved in the CDC land restitution process received as
corruption. It could be in the form of receiving portions of the CDC surrendered lands as gift
from natives of Fako Division for easing the restitution process, as well as other forms as
payments not stated in the Ministerial Order No.000097/2.5/MINUH/D200 of 3rd of March
2003, prescribing the procedures for CDC land restitution. While examining the level of fraud
and corruption practices in doing business in Cameroon, Mua (2015), noted that corruption is
high despite anti-corruption initiatives in the country.
Though corruption is a global problem that exist everywhere(Nyingchia,2020), occupying such
a disreputable position as most corrupt country in 1998 and 1999, is a serious cause for
concern. The Cameroon Penal Code is the main national legislation that deals with corruption
as an offence. This document otherwise known as law No. 67-LF-1 of 12th of June 1967 identifies
and punishes several forms of corruption. These include: bribery, indulgence, undue demand,
compulsion of public servant, procuring influence, misappropriation of public funds, and
corruption of employee.
In addition to the Penal Code, the Cameroon government has signed different international
conventions that encouraged the fight against corruption and other related offences. One of
these conventions is the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which is the first
legally binding international anti-corruption instrument. This convention was adopted on the
31st of October 2003 and ratified by Cameroon on the 25th of April 2004. It is on the basis of this
convention that the global community took the opportunity to establish an effectively set up
bench marks for effective anti-corruption strategies.
Cameroon adopted the African Union Convention on the fight against corruption on the 12th of
July at the African Union Heads of States Summit at Maputo in Angola. According to Nyingchia
(2020), the adoption of this convention required the Cameroon government to establish bodies
in charge of preventing corruption, and the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) was
created in compliance to this. NACC was created through Decree No. 2006/088 of 11 March
2006 as the central organ in charge of the fight against corruption in Cameroon, and it became
operational on 15 March 2007 (NACC, 2011). It was placed under the authority of the Head of
State with headquarters in Yaoundé, the political capital of Cameroon.
However, an Ad Hoc Committee was created before NACC to fight corruption in 1998 after
Cameroon was first rated most corrupt country in the world in the Transparency International
Corruption index. The Ad Hoc Committee was lodged at the Prime Minister’s Office.. This
committee was later replaced by the National Observatory Against Corruption, which was
created by Prime Ministerial Order No. 001/PM of 4 January 2000. Nyingchia (2020), described
the National Observatory as another shadow institution that could not effectively fight
corruption due to lack of resources and independence. Consequently, it was abolished by
Decree No. 2006/088 of 11 March 2006 relating to the creation, organisation, and functioning
of NACC. This decree is the only legal instrument for the moment relating to the organisation
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Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) Lands
Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.98.12908
and functioning of the NACC. Since its creation, NACC has stepped up efforts to fight corruption
in Cameroon through different ways. From past NACC reports, it is observed that this
organisation does not only fight corruption but also educate the public in a bid to denounce and
prevent corruption (NACC, 2014, 2016, 2020).
Among the different sectors of corruption reported by NACC, the land sector happens to be one
of the most mentioned. Corruption in the lands sector occupied 2nd position with 15.7% out of
12 sectors implicated in highest number of complaints for corruption and other related offences
reported to NACC in 2019. According to the NACC (2019) report, the cases that were recorded
had to do with double sale of land, issuance of fake land certificates, Bailiff's and Surveyor's
costs, extortion in Sub-Divisional offices, Notary's fees, etc. Land affairs again featured 2nd
position with 14.6% out of 9 sectors implicated in highest number of complaints for corruption
and other related offences in NACC (2020) reports. In addition to its regular public awareness
campaigns in the fight against corruption, NACC uses its micro programmes, “Espace CONAC”,
aired on radio and television to educate the public on how to denounce corruption. NACC has
continued to broadcast “Espace CONAC” in English and French. For example, one of the themes
discussed in 2014 was corruption in the issuance of land certificates. This theme coincided with
the year CRTV Buea Press Club and many newspapers reported corruption in the CDC lands
surrendered to indigenes of Fako Division for the purpose of restitution. Funwie (2021) lauded
the efforts of NACC in the fight against corruption pointing how it’s investigating capacities and
mandate to gather and analyse allegations and information about corrupt practices has
presented findings that have led to disciplinary or legal proceedings against perpetuators.
Funwie (2021), noted that, there are many investigations that have opened, leading to arrests
made and a handful of government officials tried and sentenced to serve prison term for
corruption or misuse of power since NACC went into operation.
The functions of the mass media in fighting corruption
The mass media serves the basic functions of informing, entertaining and educating the public
(Nity & Singh, 2017). Buccur (2000), opined that one way we acquire knowledge is through the
media, whose role is to disseminate information to an audience, thereby empowering them.
Buccur (2000), further argued that the information we gain from the media gives us more
power no matter who we are because the more we know, the more we can effect change both
on a personal and societal level. In the same vein,Schauseil (2019), stated that the media can
play at least three main functions regarding corruption: watchdog on corruption, promote
integrity, and engage citizens in anti-corruption efforts. The watchdog function is founded on
an understanding of the media as the “fourth estate” of democracy within a system of checks
and balances with the purpose to monitor and observe the behaviour of public officials in the
legislature, executive and judiciary.
The watchdog role imparts the press with the responsibility of being a platform for discussion,
investigators of impropriety, an adversary to monopoly over power and knowledge and the
advocates of truth, freedom and democracy (Franklin, Hamer, Hanna, Kinsey & Richardson,
2005). According to Franklin et al (2005), the watchdog is embodied in the traditional idea of
a ‘fourth estate’, historically accredited to Edmund Burke. The idea of presenting or looking up
to journalism as a social ‘watchdog’ originated from a classical liberal conception of the power
relationship between government and society within a democratic state.
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Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) Lands
Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.98.12908
are granted public trust and who may be tempted to abuse their office for private gain. Using
the case of the media in Uganda, Nogara (2009), illustrated how media exposure of corrupt
practices in the military and in the police force, involving high-ranking officials also led to
several parliamentary investigations. In the cases of military procurement corruption involving
the purchase of second-hand helicopters from Belarus, which became known as the “junk
helicopters” scandal, and the illegal exploitation of natural resources from the Congo, Nogara
(2009) noted that the president was prompted to set up several commissions of inquiry to
investigate ministers and officials featuring in parliamentary probes and in the media.
Though this led to the resignation of only a few cabinet officials and some reinstated by the
president in the next cabinet re-shuffle, Nogara (2009) applauded the media for contributing
to raising public awareness on and hostility towards corrupt behaviours by reporting on
corruption. Media coverage also contributed to exposing flaws and weaknessesin existing laws
and regulations that promoted a climate favourable to corruption (Nogara, 2009). Sowunmi,
Raufu, Oketokun, Salako and Usifoh (2010), also maintained that, the role of the media in
promoting good governance and controlling corruption is critical. They argue that the media
does not only raise public awareness about corruption by investigating and reporting indices,
but its causes, consequences and possible remedies of corruption. They however remarked that
the effectiveness of the media in performing this function would largely depend on access to
information and the degree of freedom of expression, as well as professional and ethical values
of investigative journalists.
While pointing out that the media and the audience share a symbiotic relationship, Bucur
(2000) noted that the journalists have a great responsibility to educate and inform the public
honestly by seeking the truth and providing a fair and comprehensive account of events and
issues without manipulation. Knowing that the media can be entangled in corruption
(Transparency International,2011), there is no doubt that the media may get involved in a game
of manipulating the audience thereby failing to expose corrupt officials and practices.
In addition, the journalists can also serve as intermediaries, located between specialists and the
public (Bucus,2000). In the case of land grabbing, the journalists can invite specialists on land
tenure and lawyers to explain certain legal provisions to the audience during a round table
radio or TV programme or conduct an indebt interview with such experts and publish the
interviews in a newspaper. In such a situation, the specialist or expert acts as a resource person
who is able to explain and clarify the audience on the technicalities and legal provisions
regarding land tenure while the journalists make efforts to put the information in a clear, exact,
and understandable manner, translating terms and statistical data into accessible language for
better understanding by the masses (Bucus, 2000).
While being the watchdog of the society, the media can strive to put pressure on the powers
that be to put up accountability mechanism for checks and balances in the management of state
affaires including the management of land. Mungu-Pippidi et al (2011) pointed out cases in
Taiwan, South Korea and Ghana were the media together with the civil society pressurised their
governments to adopt anti-corruption policies and for increase investigations and prosecutions
of corrupt officials. However, they noted that though pressure by the media is a key factor to
force the powers that be to put up accountability mechanism that checks corruption, the media
itself may face sustainability problems.
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The media affect our attitudes and norms through three mechanisms: they serve as watchdogs,
agenda setters, and a collective forum for a diverse set of voices. As watchdogs, the media keep
an eye on government actions and protect the public interest by exposing cases of
mismanagement, misuse of authority, and corruption. They contribute to ensuring
accountability and transparency of governments and other powerful factions by reporting such
events. When it comes to corruption, the media's position as a watchdog is perhaps the most
evident (Norris and Odugbemi, 2010). Similarly, Gonzáles (2007), established three key
positions of the media in the battle against corruption: a) the primary discoverer of corruption,
b) a watchdog that can also deter corruption by instilling fear of public exposure among
potential corrupters, and c) a public educator about the consequences of corruption and how
to combat it.
The media, as agenda setters, will bring corruption to the attention of the public and politicians.
One of the most important political roles of the media is to set the agenda. They attract attention
to societal issues by addressing them and putting them on the public agenda. Corruption is
seldom addressed in general, either because it is seen as a social norm or because people are
afraid of consequences if they do. In the eyes of the public, media coverage legitimizes
corruption as an issue: if the media believes corruption is a problem, the public will pay more
serious attention to it. Furthermore, lawmakers may be forced to rethink current laws and
policies as a result of media pressure. This is especially useful in democracies, where lawmakers
must be concerned with election results (Ajzen, 1991). People may also use the media to
express their views on corruption and their personal encounters with it. This mechanism is
based on the concept of the public sphere, which states that dialogue flows between the state
and people providing space where both sides share transparency and legitimacy.
The media may not be traditional tools in the fight against corruption. However, they are crucial
in achieving the cultural change that must accompany any legislative change to make laws and
institutional changes sustainable. Media can amplify the effect of anti-corruption legislation by
a) reaching and mobilizing a broader audience, b) motivating political leaders to act, and c)
facilitating a cultural change that will improve the sustainability of change (Anne-Katrin and
Sumir, 2012). While the media has a lot of ability to help in the battle against corruption,
organizations that deal with them should be aware of certain tactics and processes that can help
them work with the media more effectively. These suggestions are divided into two categories:
learning how the media works and learning how people use the media (Byrne, Arnold, and
Nagano, 2010). It's crucial to figure out which media are most applicable to the target audience,
since only properly tailored outreach campaigns can be successful and long-lasting. Sometimes,
a combination of media is most effective: corruption can be addressed on the radio or on
television, and then continued and intensified by social media. Interpersonal communication,
such as via village meetings, is also extremely important for spreading a message and
mobilizing people to fight corruption (Byrne,et al., 2010)
Following the identification of the target audience and their preferred media, a partnership
with the media should be created. A coalition of reform-minded partners is needed for long- term systemic change. By raising the public profile of an anti-corruption alliance and
establishing it as part of the public conversation about corruption, a coalition with the media,
with journalists or editors, will strengthen its efforts (Coronel, 2010).In many countries, media
coverage of corruption has led to considerable political and social change. In the Philippines,
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Matute, J. M., Ngange, K. L., & Moki, S. M. (2022). Media’s Roles in Reporting Corruption in the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) Lands
Restitution Process in Fako Division: 2014-2021. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(8). 462-482.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.98.12908
investigative reporting on the president’s illegal assets led to his ousting. In India, reporters
uncovered deeply entrenched corruption in the defence industry and motivated many other
reporters to use similar methods. Currently, a movement against corruption is sweeping
through the country, which could not possibly be as successful as it is if the media were not
covering it extensively. In that particular last example, we see how traditional media and social
media function together to amplify the movement, to give it legitimacy and clout (Anne-Katrin
and Sumir, 2012).
There is a paucity of studies on mass media and corruption in Cameroon. However, two studies,
Tanjong (2009) and Wantchami and Ngange (2017), published on the media and corruption in
Cameroon. Tanjong (2007), administered 700 questionnaires heads of households for them to
assess the role of the media in exposing corruption in Cameroon. The result of the research
demonstrates the media as the most active institution in the fight against corruption in
Cameroon. A total of 52.7% of the respondents claimed the media to be most active followed by
the judiciary (12.1%), the executive (11.4%) and the legislative (9%). However, 51% argued
that the media's fight against corruption is not succeeding as opposed to 40.6%. Lastly the
private media were reported to be more dynamic than the public media in this effort. The
author concluded that the Cameroon media must strive to sustain their efforts in combating
corruption in the country. On their part, Wantchami and Ngange (2017), adopted a quantitative
content analysis to compare the content of a private (The Post) and a public (Cameroon
Tribune) media. According to the results, the private media, The Post newspaper covered more
stories on corruption (70.6%) than Cameroon Tribune (29.4%). Majority (88.9%) of the stories
on corruption reported in The Post newspapers were found in the front page while only 11.1%
were found on the front page of Cameroon Tribune. Hence, The Post newspaper gave more
prominence on corruption stories compared to Cameroon Tribune. The results also revealed
that The Post centred its coverage on corruption mostly by investigating public officials
(85.7%) and accusation of corrupt practice on public officials (78.6%). On the other hand,
Cameroon Tribune centred on legal proceedings on corruption (75%).
The role of investigative journalism in the fight against corruption
Investigative journalism is a form of journalism in which reporters go in depth to investigate a
single story that may uncover corruption, review government policies or draw attention to
social, economic, political, or cultural trends as well as loopholes in legislation and legal articles.
It involves exposing to the public, matters that are concealed either deliberately by someone in
a position of power or accidentally behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances that
obscure understanding (Abdulrahman, 2019). Nwabueze (2012) argues that investigative
journalists exist since the muckraking era in the late 19th and 20th century. This kind of
reporting is tilted towards unravelling hidden facts that are of enormous significance to society.
To this backdrop, Asemah and Asogwa (2012), averred that investigative journalism is key to
democratic governance and national development for developing countries.
Journalism in general and investigative reporting in particular, plays a critical role in raising
consciousness of and fighting against corruption. They are one of the most effective means of
raising public consciousness about corruption. However, investigative journalism is very
challenging. Of thousands of journalists around the globe, only a few select this profession and
decide to be investigative journalists (Abdulrahman, 2019). Pollack and Allern (2018),
investigated on methods used by investigative journalists in revealing large-scale corruption
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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol. 9, Issue 8, August-2022
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
community land with insulting impunity. They are ready to employ any means; hook or crook,
including silencing the media, to expropriate land offered to the community by the Cameroon
Development Corporation for their personal interest.” (First/lead paragraph of The Guardian
Post No. 0633 of July 29, 2014)
Excerpt 2 is captured from the editorial. The media once more brought to public attention
corruption taking place in the CDC land restitution process in Fako Division. It made it known
that instead of the native communities to gain such land lease; it was some government officials
who were using different unorthodox means to short-change the community of such
surrendered lands for their own interest. In this editorial, the editorialist questioned why some
elites of Fako Division were silent over this land crisis. This editorial was coming barely two
weeks after CRTV Buea Press Club was banned from air. Series of newspapers both in English
and French languages continued reporting on the land crisis in the division especially in their
headlines and cover stories as seen below:
Excerpt 3:“Fako elites have called for the creation of a judicial commission of inquiry to address
the current land crisis plaguing the division as a result of the illegal alienation of Fako ancestral
lands.” (First/lead paragraph of The Horizon No. 212 of August 18, 2014).
Excerpt 4: “Le secrétaire général adjoint et porte-parole de la BLCC fait un déballage sur le
dessous de la crise foncière au sujet de la rétrocession des terres de la CDC aux village Bakweri.”
(First/lead paragraph of La Nouvelle Expression No. 3772 of July 18, 2014).
Excerpt 5: “...excessive grabbing of communal land by some senior administrators (non- natives) of the division and beyond; indiscriminate sale of ancestral land by some insatiable
Fako chiefs and elites; the...” (Second paragraph, Fako News Centre accessed on December 2, 2021
from https://fakonewscentre.com/fakolandcrisis1.htm).
Excerpt 3, 4 and 5 are extracts from newspapers and an online news platform that all raised
awareness of corruption in the CDC land restitution process. Cameroon being a country where
English and French are both official languages, the media exposed the issue of corruption in
both languages. Excerpt 4, shows that, even journalists working for newspapers that publish
in the French language took interest in exposing corruption in the CDC land restitution process.
In Excerpt 4, the journalists of French expression conducted an interview with the Assistant
Secretary General of the Bakweri Land Claim Committee (BLCC), Barrister Ikome Mbella
Ngongi. In this interview, he opened up to the journalist in exposing the mafia scheme by
administrative authorities to grab CDC surrendered lands in Fako Division meant for the
natives. Hence, news about corruption in the land restitution process was not only limited to
the English speaking audience in Cameroon, but also those of the French expression as the news
was delivered to them in the language they understand.
The media also made use of banner (large) headlines, placed the stories on the front pages and
also used colours to highlight and show emphasis on certain portions of the headlines that
reported corruption in the CDC land restitution process. In terms of the nature of the headlines,
all the exhibits (fig. 1 to fig. 6) below show that the newspapers used banner headlines with
large characters that cut across the front pages of the newspapers.