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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 8, No. 12

Publication Date: December 25, 2021

DOI:10.14738/assrj.812.11476. Sandoval, B., Hem-Lee-Forsyth, S., & Bryant, H. (2021). A Tridimensional View of the Hispanic Health Paradox: Its Relationship with

Faith, the Enclave Theory, and Familism. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(12). 317-345.

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

A Tridimensional View of the Hispanic Health Paradox: Its

Relationship with Faith, the Enclave Theory, and Familism

Bibiana Sandoval, MD, MPH, MBMS

AltaMed Health Services, South Gate, California, U.S.A.

Shivaughn Hem-Lee-Forsyth, PhD, MPH, FRSPH

Department of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, School of Medicine

St. George’s University, Grenada

Hanna Bryant, MD

Department of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, School of Medicine

St. George’s University, Grenada

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the "Hispanic (American) Health Paradox," the juxtaposition

of Hispanics’ longer lifespan than the average American amid numerous inequities

regarding social determinants of health. Hispanic Americans endure multiple

health disparities with a higher incidence and prevalence of chronic conditions.

They also experience multiple psychosocial and physical health challenges,

including higher rates of food insecurity, poverty, segregation, discrimination, and

limited or no access to medical care. Nevertheless, Hispanics enjoy better physical

well-being and lower mortality rates when compared to non-Hispanics in the

United States (Ruiz et al., 2021). This project aims to analyze the sources of this

group’s biosocial advantages and resilience, allowing them to have a longer lifespan

amidst their lower health status and increased risk for chronic conditions. It

explores the political and social justice implications of these inequities. It also

examines the strategies to close the gap on Latinos' current health care disparities

via public policy aspects of federal and state legislature. A narrative review method

was utilized to examine the existing literature on this paradoxical effect. Keywords

based on Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) used to search resources for relevant

studies included: Hispanic health paradox (health paradox, immigrant paradox),

ethnic minorities (Latinos, LatinX), health disparities (disproportionate health,

health inequities), social justice (healthcare stakeholders, health inequities

solutions, inequities recommendations), mental health, physical health, and co- morbidities. A quality assessment of full-text peer-reviewed articles yielded 80

articles to compile this narrative review. The research revealed that, despite glaring

disparities in social determinants of health, Hispanic Americans have overall

experienced better health outcomes through a culture that emphasizes spirituality,

community support, and strong family ties.

Keywords: Hispanic health paradox, Hispanic mental health paradox, Hispanic

homelessness paradox, social determinants of health, social inequity, health disparities,

Latino

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INTRODUCTION

A Hispanic person is defined as "a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central

American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race"(Statista Research Department,

2021). In this paper, the terms ‘Hispanic’ and ‘Latino’ will be used interchangeably, although

nuances in the different meanings of the two terms exist. Latinos are the largest ethnic minority

group in the United States. It is estimated that almost 112 million Hispanics will be residing in

the country in the next four decades, constituting the fastest-growing minority group. The most

sizable portion of Latinos is of Mexican descent, amounting to over 35 million in 2018. Puerto

Ricans and Cubans comprise the second and third largest Hispanic groups, totaling 6 million

and 2 million individuals, respectively (Statista Research Department, 2021). This article seeks

to address the health and social disparities that burden Hispanics, the risk factors for these

inequities, and the most relevant social determinants of health (SDOH) that contribute to these

inequalities. The Hispanic health paradox was examined in three realms: physical health,

mental health, and homelessness. Despite the existing inequities in these areas, the research

revealed that members of this ethnic group often enjoy longer and better-quality lives. Lastly,

potential policy and access improvements were explored to help bridge the gap in services and

health outcomes.

Health disparities were defined as “differences in health which are not only unnecessary and

avoidable but, in addition, are considered unfair and unjust” (Braveman, 2006, p. 168). SDOH,

according to the Healthy People 2020’s definition,"are conditions in the environments in which

people are born, live, learn, work, play, worship, and age that affect a wide range of health,

functioning, and quality-of-life outcomes and risks” (Office of Disease Prevention and Health

Promotion [ODPHP], 2021). Social, economic, and physical conditions in these various

environments and settings, such as school, church, workplace, and neighborhood, have been

referred to as "place." (Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion [ODPHP], 2021).

Hispanics tend to experience many difficulties and obstacles influenced by economic and

biosocial factors such as financial instability and occupation, limited academic advances,

disparate culture, language barriers, lack of social support, structural discrimination,

immigration status, and insufficient healthcare access. These obstacles perpetuate a cycle of

untreated or poorly managed chronic conditions, leading to a continuous "fight or flight" state

with cortisol-mediated immunosuppression (Velasco-Mondragon et al., 2016). The American

Public Health Association advised that Hispanics' lack of access to community-based health

determinants results in poor diet, sedentarism, substance use, and chronic stress, contributing

to the physical and mental health burdens facing them. Inadequate access to affordable housing,

transportation, and green spaces limits Latinos' ability to develop healthy and active exercise

routines while placing them at a lower socioeconomic status with negative implications

regarding reliable food access, stable and well-paying jobs, and academic and career

opportunities, all of which make up the basics of health justice and equity (Krisberg, 2021).

Hence, there is a critical need for legislative changes and the involvement of the pertinent

stakeholders to modify current policies and laws toward reducing these discrepancies in SDOH.

METHODOLOGY

A narrative review of the literature was conducted between 2020 and 202 to identify sources

discussing the Hispanic health paradox. The databases MEDLINE, PubMed, ScienceDirect,

Elsevier, Google Scholar, CORE, and Bielefeld Academic Search Engine (BASE) were searched

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Sandoval, B., Hem-Lee-Forsyth, S., & Bryant, H. (2021). A Tridimensional View of the Hispanic Health Paradox: Its Relationship with Faith, the

Enclave Theory, and Familism. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(12). 317-345.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.812.11476

using the keywords “Hispanic health paradox,” “health paradox,” “immigrant paradox,” “ethnic

minorities,” “Latinos,” “Latin X,” “health disparities,” “disproportionate health,” “health

inequities,” “social justice, “healthcare stakeholders,” “health inequities solutions,” “inequities

recommendations,” “mental health,” physical health,” and “co-morbidities.” Articles were

deemed relevant and included in the initial evaluation based on the review of titles, abstracts,

and conclusions. The inclusion criteria required full-text availability and publication between

2002 and 2021. Articles were excluded if they were published before 2001. A total of 800

relevant articles were generated from the initial search. Paper titles and abstracts were

subsequently studied and analyzed, and 100 articles were then selected from the search. A total

of 80 research articles were selected for this narrative review. Supplementary information was

gathered from governmental and public health agency websites and included as relevant and

timely sources, generating 20 articles.

Findings were organized and discussed in four main categories: barriers to optimal health

status and social determinants of health (food, physical environment, economic instability,

education, healthcare, community and social contexts); health outcomes and their

corresponding paradoxes (physical health, mental health, homelessness); and sources of

Hispanic resiliency (faith, the enclave theory, familism).

FINDINGS

Barriers to Optimal Health Status and Social Determinants of Health

Food: Living in a Food Desert or Living with Food Insecurity

Food deserts are areas typically found in low-income neighborhoods where access to more

nutritious options, such as fresh fruits and vegetables, is limited due to the absence of grocery

stores or financial attainability. Currently, the United States has over 24 million people living in

food desert areas, with the most significant disparity among Hispanics, who have access to only

one-third of the grocery stores that non-Hispanics do. Further, Hispanics are exposed to up to

three times more fast-food restaurants than those who reside in non-food desert

neighborhoods (DoSomething.org, 2021). For this reason, low-income Latinos in these food

desert neighborhoods have a higher prevalence of poor dietary intake, empty calories, and

saturated fats, carving a direct line to the high incidence of obesity, diabetes, chronic

cardiovascular conditions, and up to twice the likelihood of death due to uncontrolled pre- existing chronic conditions compared to residents of non-food desert neighborhoods

(DoSomething.org, 2021). For example, the multivariate logistic regression model by

Hernandez et al. (2017) demonstrated that food insecurity was most prevalent in minority

groups, especially Hispanics, with women exhibiting higher rates of obesity compared to food- secure women across all races and ethnicities. In addition, this study's covariate-adjusted

model revealed an over 40% association between food insecurity and obesity and 30% odds of

being overweight among Hispanic women (Hernandez et al., 2017).

Potential behavioral mechanisms of the previous relationships include what MacNeil et al.

(2017) indicated in their study of low-income Latina women and caregivers of young children.

These women reported unaffordable prices, lack of transportation to health-food grocery

stores, and lack of financial attainment or inability to utilize the Supplemental Nutrition

Assistance Program (SNAP) as primary determinants of their grocery shopping patterns

(MacNeil et al., 2017). In other words, Latino families are limited in accessing healthy foods due

to the lack of available grocery stores, their neighborhood's environmental factors, and

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financial limitations. Cabral (2018) conducted a One-Way ANOVA that deduced a statistically

significant relationship between Hispanics' educational attainment and food insecurity in

California. Currently, Latinos face significant barriers to advancing academically compared to

individuals of other ethnicities due to language, immigration, and other social issues, putting

them at higher risks of food deficiency and hunger.

FOOD: HUNGER

Besides food deserts in Hispanic-dense neighborhoods reducing the ability for Latinos to access

healthy foods, lack of financial means is another leading contributor to the current hunger,

obesity, and malnutrition issue among this ethnic group. Among the pediatric Hispanic

population in the United States, over 35% of children are considered overweight or obese – the

country's highest proportion of childhood obesity. However, due to the food insecurity that

most Hispanic households endure, almost 40% of children experience hunger and malnutrition,

revealing a simultaneous yet contrasting phenomenon (National Council of La Raza, 2011).

One mechanism that explains these issues is the job instability that most Hispanic caregivers

experience, resulting in living below the poverty line. Moreover, many have inadequate access

to medical care and experience forced living in neighborhoods with poor community support

systems. Most parents reported that their limited household income caused multiple

restrictions in rent and electricity payments, and the only means to cut down and save money

was to buy low-quality food or less food overall. For this reason, most of them described federal

nutritional programs such as WIC or SNAP as an essential means of avoiding hunger and buying

otherwise unaffordable, healthy essential foods such as milk, eggs, and fruit (National Council

of La Raza, 2011). However, not all Hispanic caregivers can enroll in these federally subsidized

programs and lack the proper community, and social support needed to obtain food stamps and

quality health care.

In summary, Hispanics face many barriers to obtaining healthy foods, and when available, work

instability and poverty cause hunger and food insecurity, with higher incidence and prevalence

among children. In addition, only some Latino caregivers obtain the necessary social support

to enroll in federal nutritional programs to help them maintain a consistent and healthy diet –

and this is the exception, not the norm.

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT: HOUSING AND SAFETY

Hispanics are typically forced into poor and low-income neighborhoods that carry with them

negative implications for safety, social and community support, and air quality. Lack of

neighborhood safety, described as the perception of unsafe areas and high crime rates, has been

associated with obesity among children and adults even after adjusting for socioeconomic

factors. In addition, several reports have demonstrated strong associations between high crime

rates and sedentarism among women only (Suglia et al., 2016). Unsafe Latin-dense

neighborhoods are also associated with poor social network development and poor community

support. A lack of neighborhood safety reduced social connections among residents and

negatively impacted physical health via increased Body Mass Index (BMI) (Suglia et al., 2016).

In addition to the lack of community support mentioned above, perceived residential distrust

also decreases the probability of outdoor physical activity and reduces opportunities for

community engagement and support to promote healthy behaviors. Furthermore, the constant

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Sandoval, B., Hem-Lee-Forsyth, S., & Bryant, H. (2021). A Tridimensional View of the Hispanic Health Paradox: Its Relationship with Faith, the

Enclave Theory, and Familism. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(12). 317-345.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.812.11476

perception of threats and insecurity causes chronic activation of the "fight or flight" system with

perpetual stress hormone secretion, precipitating cortisol-mediated immunosuppression, and

a diabetes-like state with adverse effects on the cardiovascular system. Lack of residential

safety also has detrimental effects on the mental health of Hispanic men, manifesting as a higher

incidence of depression and substance abuse (Squires et al., 2012). As a result, Hispanics' high

crime rates in neighborhoods hinder their ability to prevent obesity and exercise safely. This is

compounded by a threat to their immune system through perpetual cortisol-mediated

immunosuppression, resulting in central fat deposition and a diabetes-like state with adverse

effects on the cardiovascular system.

Similarly, Xiao & Graham (2019) described the relationship between chronic neighborhood

stressors and hypertension prevalence. Their study investigated chronic neighborhood

stressors, such as lack of safety and social networking, associated with the increased prevalence

of high blood pressure among Hispanics. In addition, premenopausal Hispanics who perceived

their neighborhood as unsafe had higher abdominal adipose deposits and higher BMI than

those who viewed their residential areas as safe (Xiao & Graham, 2019). In summation, high

residential crime rates in Latino neighborhoods increase susceptibility to cardiovascular

conditions such as hypertension, obesity, diabetes, and insulin resistance.

Xiao & Graham (2019) also found that Hispanic-dense neighborhoods (more than 50% Latinos

in the area) are disproportionately exposed to poor air quality: almost 10% higher fine

particulate matter with a diameter of fewer than 2.5 μm (PM2.5), with 30% more types of nitrous

oxides compared to majority Caucasian neighborhoods (less than 25% Latinos in the area).

PM2.5 is a major public health concern as studies investigating short-term exposure of up to only

24 hours in length found a solid correlation to increased respiratory co-morbidities and

premature death, resulting in an increased need for emergency room visits and restricted

activities of daily living (California Air Resources Board, 2021). Due to the small diameter of

this particulate matter, it has been strongly implicated in damage to the delicate bronchioles

and small functional lung cells, which partially explains the respiratory pathology seen in high

concentration exposures, including asthma exacerbations and chronic bronchitis. Similar

effects have been documented with exposure to nitrous oxides such as nitric oxide, nitrogen

dioxide, nitrous acid, and nitric acid (United States Environmental Protection Agency [EPA],

2021). Consequently, Hispanics are more susceptible to respiratory illness and worse

pulmonary outcomes due to the poor air quality and high pollutant exposure in their built

environment.

Regarding housing, Hispanics have a higher likelihood of crowded living situations. Mora et al.

(2016) reported on the mental health effects that crowded housing imposes on Latinos, citing

an association between more than five individuals sleeping in the same room, lack of a safe

place to store belongings, and lack of bed storage with depression scores higher than ten on

each category per the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D). The study

also found strong associations between severe anxiety scores higher than 27 based on the

Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) and those without a key for their house or room (Mora

et al., 2016). Therefore, the mental health of Hispanics is jeopardized when multiple people

share the same room and lack adequate storage, leading to an increased probability of

depression and anxiety. Besides mental health problems, crowded living conditions among

Latinos also affect sleep quality, generating increased susceptibility to many chronic conditions.

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Housing and neighborhood turmoil and perceptions of infrastructure problems were linked to

more significant sleep disruption and reduced quality of overnight rest (Chambers et al., 2016).

Hispanics are thus at risk of multiple preventable chronic conditions associated with poor sleep

outcomes, including inferior quality living conditions and frequently disturbed sleeping

periods.

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT: GREEN SPACES

Hispanics also endure environmental injustices regarding green spaces in their built

environment. One study by Rigolon et al. (2018) reported inequities in scores for park systems

and their quality based on income and ethnic groups, noting lower scores in low-income

Hispanic-predominant cities. One probable cause of this inequity was the change in the political

economy of parks with reduced local tax contributions and greater dependency on national

nonprofits and public support. With Hispanics persisting as a low-income ethnic group with

little to no advocacy agencies in their neighborhood, they faced many barriers to accessing

national sources of financial support for green spaces in their cities (Rigolon et al., 2018). For

this reason, the Latino-predominant cities continue to exhibit a high incidence of cardiovascular

disease, diabetes, and obesity secondary, in part, to a sedentary lifestyle.

One of the most thoroughly studied neighborhood social features is poverty, which has severe

implications for obesity and a sedentary lifestyle. Neighborhoods with little to no governmental

financial support typically have fewer resources for green spaces. The absence of parks,

playgrounds, and sidewalks contributes to higher obesity rates. This scarcity is also associated

with higher crime rates, poor social infrastructure, diminished community, social cohesion,

social capital, and overall low aesthetic features of limited recreational areas (Suglia et al.,

2016). The neighborhood poverty theory establishes the clear connection between absent

green spaces, sedentarism, and obesity in Hispanics.

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT: LACK OF TRANSPORTATION AND PHYSICAL MEANS TO

HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

In the United States, over 3.5 million people annually cannot access medical care due to lack of

transportation, such as inability to buy or rent a vehicle; insufficient transportation systems;

long commuting time to health care facilities; transportation expenses; and unfavorable

policies that affect ease and availability of transportation (American Hospital Association

[AHA], 2021). Wolfe et al. (2020) reported that those most affected are Latinos living below

poverty levels, Medicaid patients, and those with disabilities. Therefore, transportation

barriers disproportionately affect low-income Hispanics, resulting in adverse effects on

medical plan compliance, timely and adequate access to medical care, management of pre- existing chronic conditions, and reliable preventative care.

ECONOMIC INSTABILITY: FINANCIAL STATUS AND OCCUPATION

Hispanics have twice the likelihood of poverty compared to Caucasians. Some of the

contributing factors to their poor financial status include work instability, occupation type, and

dependent children in the household with low educational attainments (Gradín, 2012).

Moreover, the recently elevated rates of Hispanic immigration have created changes in the

current employment situation towards greater instability and informality with no employment

benefits and little to no short- or long-term assurances (Flippen, 2012). For example, with the

current COVID-19 pandemic, Latinos make up a disproportionally substantial percentage

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Enclave Theory, and Familism. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(12). 317-345.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.812.11476

across essential working positions with the risk of continuous, first-line exposure to potentially

infected individuals. Despite making up a little over 15% of the American population, Latino

employees comprise around one-third of all construction workers, one of the first fields to

return to regular working hours during the pandemic. This situation is compounded with no

sick paid days off, no insurance coverage, or short- and long-term disability benefits (Williams

et al., 2020). With no paid time-off, Hispanics face a dilemma trying to quarantine yet provide a

consistent income to their families. This reality proves that low-paying jobs held by many

Hispanics create financial instability and pose a threat to their economic vitality.

Additionally, Hispanics with Limited English Proficiency (LEP) are often employed in jobs with

high occupational risks and little to no worker's compensation than those who speak English

fluently. One explanation is that undocumented Latinos have no choice but to hold low-paying,

high-risk jobs. Many have already suffered dangerous situations during their migration path

and are monolingual Spanish-speakers (Dávila et al., 2011). What is more, immigrant workers

have lower rates of reporting work-related injuries due to their fear of retaliation from

employers based on immigration status and their LEP (Madera & Chang, 2011). Therefore,

Hispanics have jobs with absent or limited employee benefits and perform dangerous jobs that

threaten their health. Deficient employment opportunities for Hispanics, especially recent

immigrants, put them at risk of contagious illness, unintentional injury, and living below the

poverty line with low-paying jobs and no short- and long-term disability benefits in case of

occupational accidents.

ECONOMIC INSTABILITY: INCOME INEQUALITY

Hispanics experience financial and income racial disparities and are at the lower end of the

wealth accumulation than other racial groups. Income inequality partially explains this effect,

but it does not fully explain the Racial Wealth Gap. Wealth is not just money accumulation, but

it also includes compensation from medical insurance, tuition funds, retirement benefits

offered at work, and financial opportunities for physical, mental, and social well-being

(McKernan et al., 2013). Recently, the wealth gap has been widening, with the collective wealth

of Whites being six times that of Latinos. As the income and wealth for Whites continue to

increase, the wealth of Latinos diminishes, and they continue to accrue more debt with the same

or lower income. Consequently, the rich become more affluent, while the poor plunge deeper

into poverty.

Similarly, Hispanic families are less likely to own a house and a retirement fund than Whites,

hindering their ability to profit from wealth-producing assets. Less than 50% of Latino families

were homeowners in the last decade, compared to 75% of Whites (McKernan et al., 2013). In

addition to home ownership, recent literature attributes this wealth gap to educational

advancement. Findings demonstrated that the White-Hispanic wealth gap at the mean and

median distributions are attributable to educational attainment (Thompson & Juarez, 2015).

Not surprisingly, most Whites achieve higher educational levels than Hispanics, who typically

only complete high school or vocational and technical training.

Despite Hispanics experiencing a favorable shift in opportunities for higher education and

women having the same or higher levels compared to men across all races, the distribution of

those with advanced degrees continues to be disproportionate for Latinos. For example, per the

American Medical Association, only 3% of current physicians are Hispanic, including first-

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Sandoval, B., Hem-Lee-Forsyth, S., & Bryant, H. (2021). A Tridimensional View of the Hispanic Health Paradox: Its Relationship with Faith, the

Enclave Theory, and Familism. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(12). 317-345.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.812.11476

intake, alcohol dependency, and unprotected sex when intoxicated. It can be argued that

migratory stressors for male-dominant figures in Hispanic culture carry additional mental

health burdens for fathers, husbands, and sons that predispose them to compensate for social,

financial, and migratory difficulties and uncertainty with readily accessible yet harmful

solutions.

Sánchez (2015) revealed Latino men's maladaptive patterns, given the societal and health

system barriers for accessing mental health services. Analogous to Hispanic men's direct

relationship between alcohol use and stress, Goldbach et al. (2015) conducted a study that shed

light on Latino teenagers facing similar situations in the United States. 901 Hispanic teenagers

aged 11-19 participated in his study of alcohol intake frequency and stressors. It was noted that

almost a quarter of the participants reported alcohol use within the last 30 days with higher

stress scores for factors such as acculturation issues, community and gang violence, family

finances, discrimination, and family- and drug-associated stress. Therefore, the two studies

above indicate that Hispanics' mental health concerns are strongly associated with the social

and physical environment regarding the host country, with increased obstacles to service

utilization. As a result, readily accessible harmful venues to cope with these stressors, such as

alcohol intake, are seen as feasible solutions (Goldbach et al., 2015).

Poor mental health is a significant medical and social barrier to wellness among Hispanics,

precipitating domestic violence toward Latina women. While domestic and intimate partner

violence affects individuals of different racial backgrounds and socioeconomic and educational

levels, Latinas are particularly vulnerable as they experience additional challenges. Reina and

Lohman (2015) conducted a study in Central Iowa among Latina immigrants and concluded

that this population is at risk of structural and institutional barriers that prevent Latina women

from responding appropriately to intimate partner violence. These barriers included

institutional discrimination, unstable housing, and economic inequality (Reina & Lohman,

2015).

Health Disparities and Outcomes

Hispanic Physical Health: Cancer

The American Cancer Society (2020) states that Latinos' leading cause of death is cancer.

Infection-related cancers such as liver cancer arising from viral infections, stomach cancer

secondary to chronic bacterial infections endemic to developing countries, and cervical cancer

resulting from chronic human papillomavirus infection emerge twice as often in Hispanics

compared to non-Hispanics. Infection-causing pathogens and processes can easily be treated if

diagnosed promptly with appropriate pharmacological management and vaccine

administration (American Cancer Society, 2020). Hence, this type of epidemiological data

shows the unfortunate cancer progression affecting Hispanics, which can be attributed

primarily to social factors related to migration, decreased access to health care, and failure to

take preventative measures. In other words, this data demonstrates that environmental, social,

and community challenges burden Hispanics with 100% preventable cancer diagnoses. Still,

incidence numbers continue to rise, with over 170,000 new cancer diagnoses expected this year

alone among Hispanics in the United States.

For example, the most common cancer among Hispanic males is prostate cancer, followed by

colorectal and lung cancer. On the other hand, Hispanic women are diagnosed primarily with