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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 9, No. 6

Publication Date: June 25, 2022

DOI:10.14738/assrj.96.11318. Atim, G., & Gbamwuan, A. (2022). Farmer- Herder Conflicts and the Socio-Economic Predicaments of Women in North Central

Nigeria. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(6). 90-105.

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

Farmer- Herder Conflicts and the Socio-Economic Predicaments

of Women in North Central Nigeria

Grace Atim

Institute for Peace & Conflict Resolution

Ministry of Foreign Affairs Abuja, Nigeria

Asor Gbamwuan, Ph. D

Department of History & Diplomatic Studies

KolaDaisi University, Ibadan, Nigeria

ABSTRACT

Farmer-Herder conflicts in North Central Nigeria have been rife since 1999. The

emergence, development, and intensity of these clashes are underpinned by socio- economic, religious, and political undertones. Majorly, the area is endowed with

fertile land, abundant water, and mineral resources attracting peasant farmers and

herders for sustenance. The study made use of both primary and secondary sources.

The study discovers that women are a powerful force in agricultural production,

processing, and utilisation, and were seriously affected by these conflicts. This is

because women have been killed, displaced, raped, and maimed, while their

farming activities were truncated leading to joblessness, abject poverty, and food

insecurity. Against this background, the study suggests that the government and

other humanitarian bodies should focus on women empowerment programmes in

North Central Nigeria. While anti-open grazing laws should be enforced in a manner

to ensure that both farmers and herders live a symbiotic, resourceful, peaceful, and

harmonious life in Central Nigeria.

Keywords: Farmer-Herder, Conflict, Women, Central- Nigeria, and Socio-Economic

INTRODUCTION

Nigeria, the ‘giant of Africa’ has witnessed virtually all forms of violent conflicts since her

political independence in 1960 to the present day 21st century. The genesis of these conflicts

started with a political tussle in the Western Region in 1962. The violent conflict emanated in

the leadership of the Action Group (AG) party and led to the revocation of the Region's Premier,

Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola. This created heated conflict in the region leading to

displacements and death of people with grave consequences on womenfolk [1]. Shortly, the

1962-1963 population census crises emerged. The rationale for this crisis was the centrality of

the census figures in the allocation of values amongst the tripartite regions. This among other

factors stimulated coups and counter-coups in the military with a great impact on nation- building. For example, the coups led to suspicion and ethnic chauvinism. In the North, the May

and July 1966 pogroms particularly on the Igbo race did not exempt women and children [1].

These contradictions in the final analysis galvanised into a three-year civil war in 1967-1970.

The civil war also known as the Biafran War led to the death of over three million people which

represented 20% of the total population at that time [2] [3], while pregnant women and nursing

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Atim, G., & Gbamwuan, A. (2022). Farmer- Herder Conflicts and the Socio-Economic Predicaments of Women in North Central Nigeria. Advances in

Social Sciences Research Journal, 9(6). 90-105.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.96.11318

mothers suffered from food starvation and neglect. No wonder, Claude Phillips [4] described

the Nigerian civil war as; ‘the most notorious conflict ever witnessed in Africa’.

Other major violent conflicts that heated the polity of the country are the Maitatsine conflicts in

Kano in the 1980s. The movement which later on created violent conflict was spearheaded by

Muhammadu Marwa (alias Maitatsine), a Camerounian who resided in Kano [5]. Marwa

gradually built up a closely-knit local community of followers, united by their belief in the

doctrines of Maitatsine, and later engaged in violent attacks upon Muslims in Kano. Militancy

in Niger Delta Region provides a bleeding ground for arms proliferation, illegal oil bunkering,

sea piracy, oil theft, kidnapping for ransom, pipeline vandalism, armed robbery, cultism, and

political violence with grave implications for the peaceful existence of the vulnerable groups.

The activities of Boko Haram insurgency, Banditry, and farmers-herders conflicts also pose a

lot of security challenges. In all these conflicts, women bear all sorts of consequences including

the death of their loved ones, rape, torture, psychological trauma, displacements, and economic

disarticulation.

One silent aspect of these conflicts is their impact on the socio-economic life of the most

vulnerable groups in the society-women, girls, children, and the aged. This aspect has not been

given adequate attention in the existing literature. For example, the works of Ndubuisi [6],

Adekunle & Adisa [7], Okoli & Atelhe [8], Abugu & Onuba [9], among other numerous works

discuss the causes, as well as the socio-economic, political and religious implications of farmers- herders attacks for sustainable development. While Muhammed, Ismaila, & Bibi [10]

specifically articulated competition over land as the major cause of farmer-pastoralist conflict

in Nigeria. This position gain general acceptability in scholarship. The underpinning argument

is that competition over the scarce land resources (water, grasses, forest, fishing ponds) as a

result of increasing population, desertification or climate change, banditry, cattle rustling,

terrorist activities among other factors in the northern enclave pushed the herdsmen to other

parts of Nigeria and this has stimulated constant farmers-herders squabbles. Therefore, this

study is a radical departure from the numerous extant literature on the subject matter. This is

because the congeed or thrust of this work is to look into the socio-economic implications of

women in farmer-herders conflicts in Central Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that the study

of this nature becomes timely. Women have played pivotal roles in the socio-economic and

political development of Nigeria but critical issues that concerned them are always downplayed

in academic discourses.

The work is divided into several themes with an introduction, followed by research aim and

objectives, research methodology, and geographical demarcation, and characteristics of the

study area. The next theme focuses on the conceptual explanation of key variables that

constituted the thrust of the study. The proceeding is the historical survey of farmer-herder

conflicts in the study area. The paper also examines the dynamic causes of the conflicts as

another important section where the economic, socio-cultural, and political dimensions were

explored. The crux of this work navigates the impact of the conflicts on womenfolk putting into

consideration various states in the study area. The work attempts an appraisal and critique of

the Government, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Faith-Based Organisations (FBOs),

Religious Bodies, Stakeholders, individuals among others efforts in cushioning the impact of

these violent conflicts on women in Central Nigeria. The last part is the conclusion and some

proposals on the way forward.

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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol. 9, Issue 6, June-2022

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

RESEARCH AIM AND OBJECTIVES

This study aims to access the socio-economic predicaments of women in farmer-herder

conflicts in North Central Nigeria. The broad objectives of this study anchors on identifying the

root causes of Farmer-Herder conflicts in Central Nigeria. The effects of these conflicts on

women, and ways of empowering them. Lastly, a thoughtful policy recommendation that could

reduce the spate of farmer-Herder clashes in Central Nigeria.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The study adopts historical-cum- qualitative method. Data was sourced from both primary and

secondary sources. Interviews were conducted with key informants such as women, farmers

and Herders, government officials, Non-governmental Organisations, and other victims of these

conflicts. Extant literature was used for corroborative evidence and proper investigation.

MAPPING THE GEOGRAPHICAL CONTOURS AND CHARACTERISATION OF THE STUDY

AREA

The term Middle Belt or Central Nigeria would be used interchangeably in this work. This is

because the two concepts convey similarly or the same meaning. Therefore, Central Nigeria is

a geographical, political reality, and ideology[11]. First, as a geographical zone, Central Nigeria

is an area located in between the Northern and Southern parts of Nigeria on the coordinate of

latitudes 7030’ North and 11015’ North and longitude 40 and 120 East of Prime Meridian [12].

In terms of landmass, it covers an area of approximately 342,390 km2 or 37 percent of the total

land area of Nigeria [12]. The area is made up of six states of the Nigerian federation namely:

Benue, Taraba, Nasarawa, Kogi, Kwara, and Plateau together with a Federal Capital Territory

(FCT), Abuja [11] [13]. Together, these states form a belt of minority ethnic groups sandwiched

between the larger Hausa/Fulani belt of the North, and the Igbo and Yoruba of the South. This

means the peoples of the Middle Belt occupied a contiguous territory within predominantly

Muslim North and Christian South. Very importantly, the area has great agricultural and mining

potentials. For instance, Benue, Taraba, Nasarawa, Plateau, and Niger are food baskets of the

nation as a result of their fertile agricultural land which accommodates all varieties of food and

cash crops. The River Benue and Niger together with their tributaries serve as constant sources

of water supply for human and animal consumption, as well as dry season farming [13].

Furthermore, Central Nigeria is blessed with various economic and mineral resources including

tin, columbite, kaolin, limestone, salt, precious stones, and barites among numerous others. As

a result of these factors, the area has become a source of serious pressure on resources by

Southern and Northern dominant groups.

Secondly, as a political reality, the area is mapped on the historical, cultural, economic, political

experiences, and characteristics of the people. S. Egwu rightly observed that: ‘The major

dominator of the middle belt is a share collective minority identity to the Northern power

system and the larger Nigerian state, who also see themselves as lacking in power’[14]. The

minority agenda, therefore, forms the basis for middle belt formation to emancipate themselves

from oppressive, exploitative, and marginalising tendencies of the major ethnic groups in

Nigeria, especially the Hausa/Fulani hegemony.

Thirdly, as an ideology whose significance in national politics has acquired immense clout over

the years arising from the tortuous historical experiences of the peoples of this region. The

middle belt ideology encompasses the concept of equity, fairness, and social justice, all of which