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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 8, No. 8
Publication Date: August 25, 2021
DOI:10.14738/assrj.88.10427. Mary, E. (2021). The Shifting Patterns of Customary Marriage and Gender Relations in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda. Advances in
Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(8). 105-118.
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
The Shifting Patterns of Customary Marriage and Gender
Relations in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda
Ejang Mary
Department of Public Administration and Management
Lira University
ABSTRACT
This paper presents the transformations in the customary marriage processes,
practices and gender relations among Lango in northern Uganda. The paper takes a
qualitative approach using generational in-depth interviews with participants in
the sub-counties of Lira and Ogur, Lira district northern Uganda. The findings
indicate that marriage was a highly respected institution in Lango culture
accomplished by the payment of bride wealth called ‘lim nyom’ but greatly
transformed over time from material to monetary demand. The traditional
marriage process was punctuated by eight designated sequential events and
installment payment of the bride-wealth. However, this paper underlines that
Lango customary marriage (‘Nyom tekwaro Lango’) has changed over time due to
the rapid social, economic, cultural and traditional changes to match the socio- economic and ideological realities dictated by the globalization process. Core
among the factors that have influenced and undermined Lango customary marriage
is borrowing the alien value system to suit the contemporary social and economic
changes. This paper argues that whereas it is important to adopt the new marriage
principles and practices, the shift affects gender relations and thus it is worth
retaining the significant valuable customary practices that knit family and
community members.
Keywords: Customary Marriage, Marriage Practices, Transformations, Gender Relations
INTRODUCTION
This paper explores the transition in customary marriage practice in post-conflict northern
Uganda. The paper focuses on the implications of emerging forms of marriage arrangements
and the implications for gender relations between men, women and girls and boys in the
aftermath of the Lord’s Resistance (LRA) conflict. The LRA conflict forced people in northern
Uganda from their original homes into internally displaced people’s (IDP) camps for a period
of two decades. Forced displacement and conscription created suspicion and loss of mutual
trust among the community members thus destroying the social relations of the family, marital
values, practices and clan system, hence adoption of new ways of life.
Marriage in this paper refers to a publicly recognized conjugal union between the two partners
as husband and wife or wives often formalized by the payment of bride-wealth. Bride-wealth
thus refers to the customary gifts paid in terms of domestic animals and birds (cattle, goats,
chicken) and assortment of valuable materials. The payment is made by the husband (groom’s
kinsmen) to the bride’s family in respect of a woman (bride) at or before marriage. In Lango
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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol. 8, Issue 8, August-2021
Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom
custom, bride-wealth is paid to the male relative of the prospective bride usually the father or
elder brother on account of marriage of that female person (bride). Bride-wealth in Lango
customary marriage is called ‘lim nyom’. The Customary Marriage Act of Uganda and the 1995
Constitution of the Republic of Uganda define customary marriage as a union celebrated
according to the rites of an African community and one of the parties to which is a member of
that community [1, 2]. While the payment of bride-wealth is a dominant feature of African
marriage, the early missionaries and colonial administrators perceived African customary
marriage as an instrument for male domination and female subordination and hence a form of
‘purchase’ [3]. The analysis presents women as purchased commodities rather than marriage
partners, which position has been contrasted in African tradition. It is to this point that this
paper examines the transformation in Lango customary marriage practices and the
implications for gender relations.
African Customary Marriage and gender relations
Literature on African marriages indicate that customary marriages can be monogamous or
polygamous and meant to enhance socio-economic equity and opportunities as embedded in
African custom. In Cooper’s view, the custom was meant to safeguard women livelihoods,
marriages, customary land access and inheritance, protection and local arbitration [4]).
Nsereko contends that the payment of bride-wealth is preliminary to marriage; the payment is
made by the groom’s kinsmen to the brides’ after negotiations [5]. To contemporary
anthropologists, the practice of paying bride-wealth presents women as exchange commodities
rather than marriage partners with reciprocal rights and obligations in relationships [3].
Gender is a socially inscribed concept and a major factor in marriage. According to Rampage,
gender defines the roles and status of women in marriage [6]. Nonetheless, culturally bride- wealth payment is crucial in marriage since it determines the ability of a woman to make a
choice in her marriage relationship.
Research on African marriages indicates significant change in the process and reasons for
marriage partnership. Meekers, and Jackson note that in sub-Saharan Africa, the complexity
and diversity of marriage system has significantly influenced gender relations. Seemingly
marriage practices have changed over time including polygamy, child marriage, brothel and
visiting unions [7, 8]. This perception coupled with modernization, industrialization and
increasing level of formal education are gradually eroding the African traditional family unions.
Studies on dispensing marriage in South Africa by Hosegood, McGrath & Moultrie revealed that
increase in the political, social and economic opportunities significantly changed family life
among Africans with customary marriage partnership paving way for cohabitation [9].
Despite foreign influence, customary marriage remains a traditional mechanism for cultural
institutions in Africa to restore societies in general terms but specifically in post-independence
era. Quinn notes that in Uganda, some cultural institutions struggle to restore the original
norms either by reverting to the traditional norms or inventing new forms of engaging with the
society [10]. Nevertheless, Mwambene further argues that strong cultural support poses threat
to any efforts aimed at addressing human rights violation in African customary law [11]. This
view is reinforced by Bekker that African customary marriage can be dissolved with ease [12].
Bekker cited a case of Bantu law that permits a husband to dissolve his marriage extra-judicially
by unilateral act without genuine reason other than desire to terminate it for any sufficient
cause like persistent insubordination, witchcraft and other serious provocations [12:346]. In
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Mary, E. (2021). The Shifting Patterns of Customary Marriage and Gender Relations in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda. Advances in Social Sciences
Research Journal, 8(8). 105-118.
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.88.10427
this regard, customary marriage does not protect African women in wedlock but gives a man
superficial power over his wife hence destabilizing marriage relationships.
As supposed by Ansell, the payment of bride-wealth is a significant element of marriage in
African custom for instance the lobola among the Zulu, Shona and Bathoso is an equivalent of
lim nyom in Lango [13]. Thus bride-wealth payment has an impact on marriage stability, women
social status, resource access and security of the children [14]. Socially, payment of bride- wealth impacts on the ability of a woman to make decision at household level based on power
relations. In the subsequent section, I briefly present Lango custom with regard to marriage
relationships.
An overview of Lango Tradition and Gender Relations
Lango are part of the Nilotes that migrated originally from east Bahr el Ghazel region. Tosh
refers to Lango as an amalgamation of tribes possessing traits of Nilotes and Para-Nilotes [15].
However, Lango cultural tradition suggests resemblance with Para-Nilotes (Iteso and
Karamojong) in terms of cultural practices like clan names, totems and age brackets. By mid- fifteenth century, Lango migrated south-west of the cradle land to northern Uganda due to
incursion of the Hamitic ethnic groups and scarcity of water and pastures for grazing livestock.
Atim & Keith posit that Otuke hills in the eastern part of contemporary Lango sub-region was
the first settlement place for Lango and their economic life justified the social status attached
to cattle [16].
The social life of Lango was characterized by a patrilineal clan system and localized descent
groups of four generations that played an important role in kinship [16]. Yet, patriarchy
subordinate women in marriage [17]. The clan leaders oversaw traditional rites and mediated
over birth, marriage, and property inheritance. In Lango custom, marriage was a respected
value in people’s lives and recognized by bride-wealth payment. Consequently, a daughter was
respected in a family depending on how much bride-wealth she generated thus ascertaining the
economics of bride-wealth [18]. Due to the hefty bride-wealth payment, parents accumulated
livestock for their sons from adolescence. Nonetheless, parents were responsible for the
marriage of the son’s first partnership.
It is worth noting that Lango men inscribed polygamy as an ideal practice though the
arrangement of the bride-wealth for the second wife was the sole responsibility of the groom
and not his kinsmen. Both literature and oral tradition indicate that Lango culture attached
social status to the number of wives an adult male possessed. As Hayley emphasized,
polygamous marriages were responsible for big family size that portrayed a man’s social status
[19]. Therefore, polygamy was the turning point for extended family and clan system in Lango
culture since it had significant benefit; socially and economically at the time. Polygamy was thus
a fundamental source of family labour for crop production. Although each household under
polygamous marriage operated in isolation, the extended family system was a benchmark for
communal labour.
METHODS
This paper applies a case study design adopting qualitative approach to explore the opinion,
perceptions and attitudes on customary marriage transformation in Lango, northern Uganda.
Further exploration is made on imaginations of respondents (men and women) on the future