Economic Reciprocity In The Tradition Of The Tongkonan Of Toraja (Study Fenomonology Of Social Values In The Economy Of Tongkonan Of Toraja)

Research design employed in this study refers to the philosophical views and assumptions that are fundamental to qualitative research and articulates those assumptions in research. The approach of this study focuses on the economic phenomenology of reciprocity and social value in tongkonan economy. Phenomenological studies describe the general meaning of some individuals to their various "life experiences" in relation to the concept or phenomenon in which they experience phenomena, the main purpose of phenomology is to reduce individual experience to phenomenon into a description of the essence or the universal essence of the understanding of attributes typical of something, Van Manen 1990 in (Creswell 2015: 105). For this purpose it identifies the phenomenon of "object" from human experience (Van Manen 1990: 163) such as a party of tuna signs and solo ceremonies' ceremonies that are phenomenal with reciprocal activities occurring in saroan at the time of their concentrated practice. The result of this study shows that the implementation of the reciprocity economy in the life of Torajan people has been going on since from ancient times through the ancestors passed on to the children and their grandchilds originated from families in tongkonan. The other result of this study is that the success of the people, Toraja family and Toraja community in living this life can not be separated from the existence of the agile Toraja to work honestly and faithfully and full of responsibility in maintaining good relationships with others as based on the philosophy of life of his life.


INTRODUCTION
The Toraja community is a Toraja people who live in Toraja and Toraja North and Enrekang, Mamasa, Luwu, Poso and Southeast Sulawesi regions which have their own cultural and religious traditions and traditions and are the national cultural treasures united in a single ika village. If traced the origin of Toraja community ancestors came from the northern hemisphere of Asia starting from China, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia & Sri Lanka which eventually enter Indonesia and inhabit the archipelago as found in the island of North Sumatra where Batak and the tribe of Nias is still cognate and the Dayak tribe in Kalimantan, as well as Toraja tribe in Sulawesi. These tribes are estimated to enter around the 9th century BC.
Toraja Man from the beginning of his arrival in the archipelago, especially on the island of Sulawesi has had a number of skills to be used in supporting the existence of life, customs and aluk and culture is a complement inherited from generation to generation. At first custom and aluk are the same. Aluk is a belief in the existence of the creator or ruler of the universe's universe and understands this world in a transcendental logical myth and lays the ontological basis of the circumstances. This fact that causes human life is directed to the creator, while custom and culture are concrete manifestations of transsendental aluk.
Aluk is a lifestyle that applies in all areas of life that includes customs and culture. In modern terms aluk in the sense of religion and custom in the sense of habits, while culture means material culture, so that he can bless the descendants of the earth. The basis of the concept of form of reciprocity is different from what is known as redistribution. Redistribution is a form of individual cooperation with individual members of a society or a group in utilizing resources owned. Redistribution means the process of transferring the rights of a person to another person or a group to another group usually who move is goods and services (Sairin, 2001: 68). The thing that distinguishes restribution and reciprocity is on the form of implementation where reditribusi is purely the distribution of goods or services without any intention of repayment behind the distribution of goods and services. While the reciprocity is still the element of remuneration in the implementation of this movement is distinguished the pattern of 2 is the transactional shift (transactional movements) that is the movement that occurs between individuals within the group in the form of exchange of goods and services, while the form of disposional movement (dispiosional movement) movement between groups with other groups. In this disposiosional movement one group earns more benefits than the other.
According to Sarge Christophe (1960) reciprocity is the foundation of social relationships in which the right of everyone is respected. Reciprocity is also the basis of socio-economic politics. Lawrence C. Becker (1962) reciprocity contains a moral value in which we have a duty member, receive and reward. In anthropology and sociology reciprocity is a way of society in the activities of informal exchange of goods and energy.
Simply resiprositas can also be interpreted as a way or mechanism that occurs in market systems contained in the countryside in the form of a measuring exchange that provides benefits for each of the economic actors. The occurrence of reciprocity is due to a reciprocal process between other individuals or between groups and other groups within the community.
Marshall Sahlins (1972) identifies three types of reciprocity: the first common reciprocity of reciprocity that ensures the individual is fulfilled as well as the needs of the group, only morality controls and encourages giving or accepting that should not be violated as truth. Both symbolic reciprocities, which is a custom of giving and receiving as a means to establish a friendly relationship only in relatives and family relationships. The third negative reciprocity is the reciprocity system that has been influenced by money and market economics. With the development of money and markets, the dualism of exchange of goods will lose its wide and varied symbolic value because money can serve to provide an objective standard value of goods and services that are exchanged.

Tongkonan
Tongkonan which means sitting, got the suffix "an" which then becomes tongkonan which means "seat". The point is sitting sit together, listening to the command or resolving the adat problems that occur in the community. Tongkonan is also the king's palace or the traditional ruler and center of family ties (Tangdilintin.1978). Kobong (2008) states that tongkonan as the center of spreading the good news (gospel) as is believed by Toraja society. Existence in the life of society becomes fundamental as fundamental in building togetherness, reciprocity, ethics, morals, social and economic life participation, adhering to adat leaders and upholding kinship values, preserving these values have an impact on change of mindset and pattern change Toraja community behavior that brings the meaning of development and all areas of life. In accordance with the philosophy of Torajan society implanted in the family family in tongkonan is meaningful life in Toraja society adheres to unity of mindset and behavior pattern based on social values and norms, subsistence ethics and economic ethic pattern of reciprocity based on truth or ( Trust) that encourages the spirit and nimble work, honest and faithful and obedient to the truth that leads to a peaceful and prosperous life.

Banua Tongkonan
Traditional house of Toraja that has customary function called Tongkonan, which at present is not much more occupied as container of dwelling by its own owner, but more often used for public need and symbol stratification like social activity and tradition of religious ceremony for family who have it. This is because one of the functions of Tongkonan is the center where traditional ceremonial traditions such as the famous traditional party. Tuka 'sign and the sign of Solo'. Tongkonan is an inseparable part of the life of Toraja human community, everything that concerns the pattern of behavior and mindset Toraja people are still carried away from the habit that is done every day in tongkonan. The Toraja human community conducts its activities by adhering to the ancestral cultural roots that are inseparable from customary symbols through a set of ceremonies that are preserved inherited from generation to generation.

RESEARCH DESIGN
Research design refers to the philosophical views and assumptions that are fundamental to qualitative research and articulates those assumptions in research. densin and Lincoln in Creswell (2015: 29) assume the anthological philosophical assumptions of epistemology, axiology and metology as important premises required in the interpretive framework used in qualitative research such as economic theory and social science theories as well as theories in ethnography and others.
The approach used with qualitative descriptive method focuses on the economic phenomenology of reciprocity and social value in tongkonan economy. According to Ridwan (2017;2012), a study that employed a qualitative research approach is meant to get a genuine explanation of the perspectives of participants. Phenomenological studies describe the general meaning of some individuals to their various "life experiences" in relation to the concept or phenomenon in which they experience phenomena, the main purpose of phenomology is to reduce individual experience to phenomenon into a description of the essence or the universal essence of the understanding of attributes typical of something, Van Manen 1990 in (Creswell 2015: 105). For this purpose it identifies the phenomenon of "object" from human experience (Van Manen 1990: 163) such as a party of tuna signs and solo ceremonies' ceremonies that are phenomenal with reciprocal activities occurring in saroan at the time of their concentrated practice.
The approach used from this qualitative phenomenological method focuses on the economic activities of reciprocity and the phenomena that exist in the traditions and patterns of aluk and adat behavior as a form of obedience and attachment which is the "spirit" of Toraja life as the exchange of goodness. Unsecured loans as a veiled investment whose maturity is unclear.

DATA ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES
Activity in the analysis of qualitative data is done interactively and progressed continuously until complete, until the data is saturated. Activities in data analysis, ie data reduction, display data and conclusion drawing or verification. After the researchers conducted data collection, the researchers did data reduction. Data reduction (data reduction) is to summarize, choose the things that matter, focus on things that are important sought the theme and pattern. In doing data reduction can discuss to others who are considered expert by obtaining data owned by value findings and development of significant theories (Sugiyono, 2007: 249). Presentation of data (data display) is done in the form of brief descriptions, charts, relationships between categories, and the like. The presentation of the data is intended to be easy to understand what has happened so far, to plan further work based on the experience. Components in Milles and Huberman's interactive model analysis in Sugiyono (2007: 247), verification is done as a preliminary provisional conclusion and if not found sufficient evidence will change. In this study, in conclusion there has been found valid and consistent evidence which is a credible conclusion. This step as well as the discovery of a proposition that is a new theory of this research.
1. The life experiences of the participants in facing and performing aluk and adat rituals such as tuka 'signs experienced. It is commonly faced with joy in spite of enormous expenses and time and energy. This is not a hindrance to them through the realization of their activities, the activities are started from the mutual subsistence needs of Indo Royong, Indo Reta and other families to work together with mutual cooperation to build and repair roads and bridges, irrigation channels and establish barns or alang togetherness in establishing loud or group divided by family in a hamlet or a hamlet. Generally one or four or five even five hamlets each headed by the Head of Hamlet, Tua-Tua Adat and community figures. The occurrence of mutual exchange or mutual sharing that begins from customs and customary order in aluk that view that mutual help is an obligation where every goods or objects owned therein there are rights of others who need. the arrival of Ambe Joni at noon home Ambe Bato in the village by the circumstances where the meat giving of the house thanksgiving event has been partially cooked for the needs of dinner and the rest cut into small thin slices to be dried which would require salt as a material to be jerky in order not to become moldy and smelling. Ambe Bato immediately gave a cup of salt as a form of grant and habit, while Ambe 'Joni received and rendered gratitude with the phrase "Kurre Sumanga".
There are habits that should be avoided by Toraja individuals or families in Tongkonan that exist in some areas or valleys or hamlets is to avoid "Pamali" or a ban that should not be done in the form of asking to buy salt or needle at night, it is considered to wreak havoc , or misfortune for the giving family, to overcome this it is agreed that for families who need salt or needles at night to take it in place and show the host by saying "Kurre Sumanga", receiving love by doing such a thing is meant that the need and the difficulties of life experienced can be alleviated or resolved even with the smallest share of each other, the arrival of Indo 'Mono at home Indo' Kodi family who directly take salt at the salt has been understood by Indo 'Kodi as part of the family's social needs and morality to care for each other one with another.
i n the event that one family performed in the form of Tuka 'mangrara banua sign in which the family distributed in the form of slices of meat in the form of all the families present, some were eaten together, some were in the auction and the funds for the development of the hamlet or lembang and there were also donated in natura form. This form of mutual variety is based on the nature of transactional or based on the interest or also because of the nature of the distribution but is based solely by the tradition of aluk and adat tradition both from Todolo and aluk and adat "Saranian" based on love in the fellowship of brotherhood. Which is maintained in Tongkonan. These preserved noble values include (1) peace and harmony or "Unnalli Melo" which can be conveyed in the form of "La'biran Kapa'dean what goods to pundamira rara buku" which means better to lose property than broken family . Kindness and peace are always sought through the custom of musyawarah to take an agreement for the good. (2) the value of honesty upheld by Torajans "Tang do aka mai untiroki" natiroki aluk sola pamali., Which means that from above the gods keep observing our lives, so religion and its ban always keeps an eye on us.
(3) to work hard "Unnossokki rakka sangpulona tu tau namane kumande" from the work of paya wil will be a blessing. (4) mutual appreciation especially of the elderly or elderly or the guest, the fellowship in the firmness of the promises made together. (5) includes wisdom or kiriaa, smart or manarang or knowledgeable, rich or sugi and barani or brave in court (Interview with Pak Somalinggi).
The phenomena that occur in this tuka 'party, which is still shown and evolved following this saman state focus on the economic capacity of the family, the existence of reciprocity and loyalty upholds aluk and adat values. Economic ability plays an important role in the life of the Toraja people in declaring their existence and prestige. 2. Economic reciprocity with a focus on aluk ceremony and custom solo signs, with the widespread implementation of ritual ceremony aluk and adat tomembalipuang in all hamlets and valleys diada in Toraja accompanied by several rangkain of this ritual bangian like mangkaro or Ma'palin where the people who has long been buried re-excavated by large relatives this is because at the time of his burial before enough buffalo animals given given the situation and economic conditions that are not possible, but also due to the state of the grave is not appropriate according to aluk and adat, it must be restored again by making a decent resting place whether in a stone burrow or in a permanent house for the size agreed upon by the family's ability, after which it is continued by cutting off a buffalo of one tail and a few pigs as a mark of having fulfilled the requirements and the flesh there is shared raw to a brother and there is also a shared consume as a form of alms to the families present, as well as at the Ma'nene ceremony or the purification ceremony of the bones or skeletons of the deceased and kept in the rock burrows, having been cleansed given new clothes and cloths like a newly deceased person (Interview with Indo Matana and Pak Lallo).

DISCUSSION Economic Phenomonology of Reciprocity in Traditional Aluk and Adat Tongkonn
As a result of the understanding of aluk and adat traditions and social values that are poorly understood by most of the Toraja people, from the author's interview with Bpk.Layuk Sarungallo in Kete'kesu who emphasized that in Toraja, Tana Toraja and North Toraja districts exist 47 areas of customary unity that appear to be similar or similar but in practice vary according to each Tongkonan and local adat stakeholders. Of the 47 regions of indigenous unity can be seen in 3 aspects of implementation: First, the aspects of the area in Tallu Lembangna include Sangalla, Mengkendek and Makale. The model of execution of tradition of aluk adat and culture is still monarchy, all of which are determined by nobility who also doubles as adat and community leaders or "parengnge" rites of aluk and adat along with culture in order to preserve its existence. Generally its territory is located in Tana Toraja Regency consisting of 19 sub-districts where 80% exists still follow this procedure and the remaining 20% perform the procedure of aluk, adat and cultural practices are mixed, such as in District Rantetayo, Kecamatan. Rembon and Kecamatan areas in the western Toraja region such as Kecamatan. Mappak, District. Bonggakaradeng and Subdistrict are generally Subdistrict areas adjacent to North Toraja region maupuan Mamasa regency.
Secondly, the aspect of the territory located in the Tana Toraja and Toraja Utara border areas, where the model of aluk, adat and cultural traditions is already democratically guided, which is open in accordance with the ability of society and social strata and work. The adat stakeholder only provides guidance and direction. There are 75% in North Toraja District and 20% in Tana Toraja, this guided democracy system according to the authors is the development of the monarchy system, on the one hand following the inspiration of people who want to take part in implementing aluk, custom and culture is still sustainable with a new touch, where adat leaders are appointed based on customary deliberations based on the criteria: 1. Social stratification 2. Stratification of work 3. Educated Third, the aspect of the territory which is located in North Toraja District, where the implementation of tradition of aluk, custom and culture is liberal ie where fully customary leaders and nobility perform ritus aluk and adat and culture is fully done by people who have position and power a strong economy in accordance with its ability. From an interview with Paul Paul Batti, that the society of any social stratification please perform rituals of aluk, custom and culture at will, but social status remains unchanged in the view of Toraja society. The remaining 25% are in Tondon Sub-district, Sa'dan Sub-district, Pangala Sub-District, Nanggala Sub-District and Baruppu Sub-District.
Every tribe in society and nation has formal binding rules and regulations that can be seen in legislative or non-formal regulations such as the results of stakeholder conventions, customary deliberations within the village as well as rules relating to trust embraced by individuals and communities within an area as well as their prohibitions and consequences.
Since long time Toraja community has been in aluk and adat vortex governing the order of life in behaving, in various economic order to meet the needs and rules of law that exist and the nature is not written accompanied by a sense of togetherness in the brotherhood, self-esteem and shame and all sanctions and consequences, all of which can be seen in one unity of "mass" kada dipotuo, chest mate dipomate "or the only word in deed, as a form of aluk and custom intact in binding the sense of brotherhood" Torayan ", as a spirit that moves the password -the life of the community which was cultivated in the presence of social stratification or tana 'which is binding and in its implementation is corroborated by a number of rites both in aluk party and custom of tuka rodu especially in aluk ceremony and custom solo' or tomembali puang.
According to Mr. Matthew Palombongan that these aluks and customs are an invaluable cultural heritage of Toraja that binds and unites wherever they are that love on the land of blood, culture, hard work and honest and faithful in any responsibility form of risk, this is what encouraging many people to compete in education, achievement in work in life in self-reliance or brotherhood as a form of togetherness.
With the existence of aluk that organize the joints of life in Tongkonan and Toraja community menyadi that the values of reciprocity or a sense of sharing and shoulder to shoulder in supporting the unity of brotherhood "sangkutu banne" both between Toraja people and fellow human beings. The typical greetings of Toraja people that are often used wherever they are are "manasumo raka, or talendu 'opa or apatu kareba" each containing religious meaning, ethical and aesthetic values among Torajans. Manasumo raka, meaning greetings that concerning the existence of Toraja family about eating and drinking in a state ready and has become a habit, while talendu 'opa means greeting greeting invite a stopover at home to talk about the state, family and so forth. Apeba kareba means greeting and greeting to the family about the news or about the news that is in the family.
In the past the existence of aluk is actually for Torajans and specifically devoted to the belief of Aluk To Dolo or animism belief as a role model in worship to Puang Matua or to the gods in the heavens as well as on Tomembali Puang. The rites are generally associated with daeta-daeta such as making lemang with one-week-old chick puppies prayed on banana leaves and done under the barana 'tree and presented, this is called "ma'pesung". Sense of sharing to daetadaeta and also to fellow human beings and many more rituals that have been prohibited its existence, both during colonization as mengayau or during the government prohibits beheading as an offering to the god or to his master as evidence the freeing of a slave.

Economic Reciprocity and Gotong-royong Tradition
The focus of reciprocity economic research in Tongkonan and the phenomena that emerged in the tradition of Tuka Rambu party is emphasized on post-harvest festivities and weddings and mangrara banua parties or home celebration parties. There are many parties in Tuka 'sign but focused only on the above three with the economic phenomenon and social values that exist. Tradition Ceremony Rambu Solo where the focus of this research is aimed at the implementation of traditions aluk and custom in slaughtering buffalo buffaloes and pigs and other four-legged animals for certain community groups and the existence of other phenomena namely the provision of aluk and custom which is violated both for economic reasons and reasons social circumstances. Here we see the activities of customary elders, community leaders and clergymen in synergy and each of which is in principle an important walking ceremony and security is assured. Economic activity and its reciprocity form are also general and transactional.
Post-harvest feasts of mutual sharing and mutual cooperation appear in the form of each family bringing toxicity to the house of worship to ask God's blessings and grace as gratitude to be given strength and health and abundant results the following year; so solely the obedience and worship of the Torajans only goes to God as a special form of reciprocity. Brotherhood is love each other expressed in giving each other the fruit of the work, offerings for God is preferred and also offerings for sesame in sada form, social classification and stratification do not appear as they are equal before God. Interview with pastor Sarpan, S.Th in Tonglo.
In the Tuka marriage ceremony sign of the phenomenon that exists in the form and begins the event of the prospective groom with a sign and a sign of a certain time. The time span is generally Toraja people apply in the afternoon and evening. For those who bersratratasi bleeding (blue) generally they come at 14.00 or at 2 noon, for the stratified sugi (rich) they come at 15.00 or 3 noon and the stratification of free people generally begins at 19:00 or 7 pm. The event is also accompanied by symbols of offerings presented, the form of the event and the form of tana '(dowry) which is generally tied with buffalo and pig animals. For tana 'bulaan 12 buffalo cow ties, for tana'bulaan bond agreement up to 9 buffalo, for tana karurung (merdeka) generally tied with 1 tails to 5 buffalo, for tana' kua-kua in general there is no dowry enough with the hunger and sincerity to really want to marry the bride and groom's partner and simply by cutting a pig and chicken to be consumed together.
The form of dowry buffalo or dowry is a symbolic form and this is realized if one of these married husband and wife violate the rules of the promise, whoever violates then he wajid handed over the dowry to the couple and relatives is the model of marriage customary marriage of Toraja people who are still attached to now in the modern era; therefore for the Toraja known there are 3 forms of marriage. The first is the customary marriage of Toraja. Both marriages in religion are authorized in church or mosque and the three marriages in government through the existing civil record of the local inhabited or district.
In addition to the above mentioned is still followed by a form of marriage agreement agreements that are mutually agreed upon and must be prepared for both families of the bride's couple at the time of execution of his show at Tongan Konan and the bride. For dowry 12 buffaloes symbolically for tana 'bulaan as a form of homage must also be prepared 12 pigs with details divided into two parts first part 6 tail prepared by the prospective bride and 6 tail prepared by prospective groom plus rice and money appropriate the results of talks for tana'bassi (rich) generally ranged between 6-8 divided and shared tails plus rice and money. While for tana'Karurung (merdeka) generally ranged between 2 or 4 tail divided together plus money and rice from the prospective groom.
The sense of mutual sharing and mutual royog was apparent at the time of the agreement and the mutual decision was received and at that time until the day before the wedding the family was busy preparing everything, aid in the form of rice and crops until sacrificial animals prepared according to daily needs until the wedding as a sense of concern big families in Kaboro and Kamali ties. In addition to other power and power assistance, as well as morals, suggestions and opinions, which are a source of strength and togetherness. Pre-marital worship is generally done before the wedding day by inviting families and relatives and families of prospective bridegroom or otherwise. At weddings in Tongkongan bride to continue the house of worship and back again Tongkonan home for the party event animals, chicken, fish served to the public according to their respective tastes of consumption. For the customary event is prepared Pa'Tendeng Ballo (Tua adat) narrates the pedigree of the bride from where it came from and as a sign of meat of the animals and chickens prepared in trays or trays to be delivered on Tongkonan each of the two bride and received by the entitled from Tongkonan as a sign the honor of both the bride and the extended family of the Tongkonan heirs as well as a sign as a member of the Tongkonan family is a common and symbolic form of reciprocity as the bond of the Kaboro and Kamali fraternity in marriage. Interview with old custom (Matthew Palombongan).
Of the two events of Tuka or feast of joy and Thanksgiving above didusun Valley Tonglo sub Rantetayo Tana Toraja Regency provide the understanding that obedience the people Toraja in God the creator of heaven and Earth as well as the observance of sesame human being is the main thing and supported primarily with environmental preservation efforts by keeping the natural condition, so the impact on the business results of agriculture, livestock, fishing and a good trade and sustainable.This can occur due to bond clients whose patron is so strong and based upon the organic solidarity entwined with such systematic expressed Emile Durkheim, Max Weber while seeing more rational comprehension increases as social forces that support the economic power which controlled the transformation of families and communities Tongkonan of Toraja which makes democracy guided as a main base changes in progress, where power and cultural progress as well as economic power as the properties of a social formation.
Ceremonial Signs Solo ' Tomembalipuang or release ceremony tradition the deceased at Tonglo and Madandan in the Rantetayo subdistrict of Tana Toraja Regency was done under the direction of leaders of the aluk and custom as part of obedience and compliance family of Tongkonan to the leader of non formal peleksanaan this ceremony is based on two main things upon aluk and custom: first, implementation of custom and Tomembali aluk Puang in dasari of social stratification which then determines the type of ceremony and the two the ability of the economic family in solemnization Tomembali Puang.
The form rasapan or rapasan sundun often called Sapurandanan or Sarrin bone-bone pointing at the nobility class of social stratification; While this is among the potential and power of its economy which is less because of family background have limited income secaratradisi Tomembali Puang Tomakaka ceremony performed with sacrifice 2 Buffalo tails and some pigs and This situation applies in Tana Toraja, so there is a better phrase 2 of 3 or better 1 of 3 containing the meaning that the views of the people of Toraja Tana Toraja to existing size 3 is sacrifice a Buffalo tail shape and pengenaannya on stratification the lowest social or tana Kuakua: basic philosophy that all people or man born of a father and mother, so with 2 tail of sacrifice are considered in accordance with the rules and customs of the aluk, at once as a sign that the dialuk Tomakaka or dialuk dipatanduk bulaan patomali.Not everyone in Tongkanan in Tana Toraja is done like this. (interview with Ambe Sau in Tonglo).
Events and phenomenon of tradition and custom in the aluk Tana Toraja happens where both husband and wife that died performed funeral rites by cutting Buffalo 3 tails are good for a wife or husband to tail 3, upon approval of the child of the deceased which if viewed from the social strata are above. This gives rise to discussions among close family and local community, because it is considered against the habit of aluk and custom.This happens due to different perceptions that exist among the children of the deceased and some assume that it is the custom and aluk world and Toraja people people have for the natural world surge is the property of people-people who fear God. These symptoms progressively strengthening the forms of resistance against the aluk and indigenous Toraja. Emile Durkheim in the theory of dualism and socio-economic difusionis, where these theories see the integration process as the formation of a modern system of values and one secular political culture with the aim of opposing the social relationships that develop generally only occur in groups and less between them.As a result of the structure and culture or mindset and behavioral economics has also undergone a change from the traditional rural areas that begin to experience transformation. From the above circumstances demonstrate that the cultural patterns of how a society has an important position in the understanding of the development of the community. Instead the source of all the underdevelopment of rural area defined as located within the traditional values that are dikuasi by the "culture of poverty" Weber viewed traditional values grow as a reaction against exploitation, subordination and the underdevelopment experienced by rural communities in the long term. The growing "culture of opposition" commonly occurs as a result of dipedesaan the gap of power that exists between the village and the city.
In Toraja the Toraja community in the North where activities aluk Tuka and indigenous or a party of joy and Thanksgiving there are two domain i.e. mangrara Thankgiving feast banua merok Tongkonan in Tagari and parties during marriage in the subdistrict langda Sopai Toraja utara. Thanksgiving Party mangrara banua merok in Lipu Tallung Tagari Tongkonan is the highest of all party tradition Tuka '. Not all held "Tongkonan Merok banua. Or the sacrifice of an animal Buffalo with its thrust through (merok) as an expression of thanks and gratitude to God and happy family over the completion of the building houses the Tongkonan as shape and form a sense of Kaboro and very high top Kamali empathy family; each clump family prepares its funds and starting from the planning stages of development through to the day party meroknya borne along for 3 days. The establishment of the House of the Tongkonan is usually guided by elders and indigenous peoples and among the aluk chaplain as a form of cooperation and as known by the local village head or lembang. The social system that consists of parts of integrated normative basis, where each section provide a functional contribution each to the achievement of the objectives of the community as a whole, presented by Talcott Parsons.
Preparation and deliberation in the large family of Tongkonan involves the whole family, scattered both in the Toraja or in other areas outside of Toraja. Event party done for 3 days with dozens of animal tails and Buffalo. Mangrara banua Tongkonan merok, according to author a kind of family reunion that accompanied the worship, descriptions of custom house and lineage of his umpteenth and auction event is also held live animals or meat for uangkan and given as a donation to houses of worship, and means of social development to the village or to the activities of the Pkk group. (interview with the mother of Omi Pongutan).
Ceremony in merok Tongkonan as an untainted social values and the culture of Toraja, it can also encourage traditional economic power increasingly get position and benefits amid the current economic strength. Paradigm structural-functional view of society is always in a State of "harmony" and the code of conduct, something for the public good, then it's good also for the members of the society. Therefore the strategy of mutual use of community change based on participation is thus the role of the person who acts as an agent of renewal."just helping the family members and the community seek and find alternatives in shared decisions, thus helping the community help itself. Public participation is basically not much needed, even if only in the form of granting options at a small group of communities that mobilized in conjunction with the adoption of a new innovation (Nasikun. 1983:87).
In the rampanan Kapa ' wedding in Lipu Tallung between Agus Banne family involvement and Chandra is played an important role in helping each other and working together, the number of sacrificial animals agreed to as many as 12 tail for mahar dowry beyond what is specified so that accumulated as many as 50 tail. The establishment of the cottage is good for guests as well as altar and all forms of entertainment are also prepared at home Tongkonan bride. The presence of indigenous elders to establish model marriage custom of dowry with as many as 12 of the tail as a witness at once that the bride and groom in the edification of the indigenous Toraja has officially become husband and wife.Animal dowry as the dowry provided first to the elders of the indigenous, the second to the third community leaders for the general public and are consumed together. Division of meat for each Tongkonan bride performed in public and every representative has the right to take it as a sign of Tongkonan unity in Sisterhood through the bonds of marriage, who had two personal, two large families da two Tongkonan tied into one unified loving brotherhood, help each other in love and grief.In the event of a marriage conducted in a family where both the Tongkonan is doing great and execute activities ekonomo impersonal reciprocity and reciprocity are comparable but the phenomenon appears generally followed by the redistribution of activities at the time of the Division of animals or meat of sacrifice aimed at each Tongkonan. The redistribution has dimensions of social, economic and political characteristic with different reciprocity. In a simple retribution is a transfer of goods and services. This can be either the transfer of rights and may also be in the form of displacement that is place.The transfer in the form of the Division of the meat can be transactional happens in groups of either shared or consumed also are distributed to each individual or family in the group, this is known as transactional movement, While the shape of the long displacement is the displacement is disposional i.e. the transfer of goods and services among groups with other groups, in the activities of the above it appears that the Group of the bride as well as family group the bridegroom prepares each animal meat and chicken above appears to be given to each of the Tongkonan as a form of gratitude and caring in the frame of "Kaboro and Kamali".
In the activities of the ceremony Signs Solo aluk and custom Tomembali Puang Toraja North like disereale, Parent and Matallo Tondon Tanglipu, each having almost the same behaviour pattern when viewed at a glance and then was different in the ceremonial behavior death, where the behavior patterns of custom figures in a saroan each play an important role while the goal is same i.e. "Kaboro and Kamali". In order to uphold the existence of the Tongkonan as a symbol of the unity of the family is also the prestige of upholding moral ethics in bearing as well as the value of the social economy.
The number of animals sacrificed a pig and Buffalo is a symbol of the ability of the economy and the welfare of the established in the family and also the success rate achieved on one hand and on the other hand there are the Toraja community in understanding that the animals the Buffalo dikorban as a means used by the man who died, his spirit toward heaven or puya, but it is then the duty of every individual in this regard children and siblings get involved support and make this with Puang Tomembali ceremony hope that will receive blessings and abundant grace of God Almighty. Therefore the Toraja community in which Buffalo has the role of animals and symbols are very meaningful as courage or virility, strength, wealth, kerajian, honesty and pristise; that's why the animals water buffalo became a very important livestock and at once became a measure of social stratification in the Toraja community.
It's not just humans who have the social stratification as illustrated by the Toraja communities, but Furthermore the Toraja people are also able to distinguish types or kinds of Buffalo who viewed from the body shape, the shape of the horns and neck, form tails of the long tail, fur color, shape of the eyes and the ears and the most important is the location of the Vortex or palisu from Buffalo or there is not point and white spots of Buffalo known upfront with the term "Sulo", a kind of bookmark or bookmarks that Buffalo These deserve to be sacrificed in the ceremony or party mangrara Tomembali Puang merok banua.The more complete the signs that there is a price is more expensive then the Buffalo which indicates the level of the highest degrees of the Buffalo at once shows the prestige and wealth of family-owned, either as the owner of the Buffalo or as a perpetrator in a ceremony Tomembali Puang, because not everyone can do the Toraja sacrifice like this if it wasn't from the bleed blue or Duke and not all home during a party at the time the Tongkonan mangrara banua done merok at the expense of Buffalo.
Skills and alertness and parse as well as specifying the type of this is the water buffalo is the local wisdom of Torajan people who only owned by the Toraja and the ability keep well and take care of him as in caring for human causes body shape, muscle and fur Buffalo State become more supple and smooth and shining, which causes a much higher price in the market, from all kinds of animals are sold then the animal type of Buffalo which is very expensive to achieve striped saleko with eyes the gasa ' and a long tail and horns and neck as well as the right Vortex is available with a good marker, Buffalo "tekkenlangi" with one Horn facing kelangit and one facing kebumi which is a kind of rare Buffalo. so does the type of water buffalo "sokko" where the two horns facing upside down kebumi, Buffalo Buffalo bonga bonga, bonga, Buffalo lotong boko "ratuk sky" Buffalo Buffalo or castrated males balian, pu'du, Buffalo Buffalo todi ' who wears a special sign of white spots on the Buffalo, Buffalo or ambong females, white, furry Buffalo to Buffalo "sambao" which is a lowstatus Buffalo and should only be sacrificed by the aristocracy as a complement the ceremony Tomembali Puang and Buffalo type cannot be sacrificed by the lower stratification such as tana ' tana ' karurung and kua-kua.
In the ceremony of Tomembali Puang Ne'Sarrin takes a long implementation time of its show, its CONCLUSION From research on economic phenomenon of reciprocity and social value in tongkonan economic tradition based on local wisdom, it can be concluded as follows:

Economic Phenomenon of Resiprostas and Social Values In Tongkonan Economy Tadisi
The implementation of the reciprocity economy in the life of Torajan people has been going on since from ancient times through the ancestors passed on to the children and their grandchilds originated from families in tongkonan how a father with his responsibilities as head of the family to provide for the family's needs from agriculture, livestock and trading and various skills another useful for subsequently managed by mothers from the results of their efforts are felt directly by children and grandchildren in the family. The economic reciprocity of this posotif economy becomes the central force of the Torajan family in tongkonan as a form of preliminary survival which according to Malinowski is a very basic necessity and if neglected or neglected to bring the consequences that are not good at a minimum by the family without reducing the social and moral values, awaken with him where the implementation of ceremonial aluk and custom in the party tuka signs and forms of activities such as harvest feast, marriage, home gratitude and thanksgiving for other success is a form of thanksgiving to God Almighty for his blessings and affection accompany family for this.
In this aluk and tamarind party the economic power of reciprocity is positively evident to the Toraja family and society in building and loyalty in the fraternity of "sipakaboro and sipakamali" in the framework of Toraja philosophy "masses of kada dipotuo prince kada dipomate" in deeds which become the handle of life and symbol in guarding the unity and unity of Torajans within the framework of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia's Unitary Republic of Indonesia, which is constituted by Pancasila and fortified by the Forty-Fifth Basic Law.

Economic Phenomenon of Reciprocity and Social Values In Party Traditions Aluk and Adat Ruka Tuka
The success and success of the people, Toraja family and Toraja community in living this life can not be separated from the existence of the agile Toraja to work honestly and faithfully and full of responsibility in maintaining good relationships with others as based on the philosophy of life of his life. These successes and successes have had a strong impact on the economy and social order and the shifting of economic moral ethics from "priority to safety" to moral ethics: hedonis "so that the existence of sipakaboro and sipakamali threatened to degrade on the one hand and on the other side aluk party and custom of tamarind sign is done with great economic ability, thus breaking through the rules and rules outlined in aluk and adat festivals and leading to the form of "fake prestige" with unfavorable results. The reciprocity economy built here is both negative and at the same time an ethical resistance to the social state of Toraja people. Who still embraces and prides social stratification that also seems false and rapu this treatment and resistance as well as a social criticism against the pattern of organizing aluk party and custom owned Toraja people

Economic Phenomenon of Reciprocity and Social Values In Tradition of Aluk and Adat Rambu Ceremony Solo '
The existence of the rules of aluk order and custom of Toraja people that are passed down from generation to generation is meant so that everything goes according to plan and has good purpose purpose. This form of aluk and adat implementation is meripakan local oranng toraja product and has become a local wisdom for every Toraja family, Toraja community and Toraja community that are everywhere, need to be maintained and preserved so that the social values and moral ethics values that are in it is a glue which is very strong in maintaining "sipkaboro and sipakamali" in the rules of aluk and adat Toraja people adherents of aluk and adat todolo or who still adheres animism beliefs. Today the toraja treatments of aluk and adat especially on the signs of solo in order to ceremony to membuang puang has undergone a significant shift or change that impacts the social order on the pattern of economic behavior, the belief symbolism embraced from the product of aluk adan adat todolo although apparently still seems to be executed or done but the values and rituals are just symbols and have shifted towards exploits that meny Convey the New Toraja's successful belief in aluk and adat ceremonies is the family prestige of what is achieved in the hedonic way of life.

Traditional Phenomenon of Aluk and Adat Rambu Ceremony Solo 'In Tongkonan As Economic Strength of Reciprocity.
Through the implementation of aluk and adat ceremonies held in tongkonan tendency increasingly day and year experiencing a very drastic change for Toraja people who are in the order of aluk and adat implementation with the monarchy system are all arranged in the order of aluk and adat that is adjusted to social stratification and economic capacity of the family , so that the model of aluk and adat ceremonies is still in a controlled and orderly condition, while the system of aluk and adat implementation that embraces the guided democracy model has begun aluk and adat leadership to provide guidance and options that are also certainly adapted to social stratification and economic capacity of the family. In the system of execution of aluk and adat monarchy or guided democracy there is a choice in slaughtering the two victims if the status is noble, while three are not allowed because the aluk and adat model is only for Toraja people with low social strata.
The system of aluk and adat implementation that embraces the liberal system model in which elders aluk and adat and public figures give freedom to cut buffalo and pig animals in accordance with its ability, but with the record without changing the social status it bears, is both an abandonment and resistance to the ability of the people nobility and this is the phenomenon of today.